COM.KANU SANYAL:BEACON LIGHT OF COMMUNIST MOVEMENT

: Portrait of a revolutionary:

(KANU SANYAL: beacon light of communist movement) by

SUBODH MITRA

The death of Kanu Sanyal ( Krishna Kumar Sanyal ) has not only left a great void in the hearts of his comrades but has come as a heavy loss to the entire revolutionary and democratic movement of our country. Kanu Sanyal’s life was dedicated entirely to the Indian revolution; his struggle is an important contribution to the growth and advancement of Marxism Leninism in India as a force to disintegrate the crumbling strong hold of imperialist feudal reaction. Hence, Kanu Sanyal mourned not only by the comrades of his organization CPI(ML) of which he was general secretary, but by all communist revolutionaries of our country and by the entire nation, who honored him for his long and faithful struggles.

                K.S (Kanu Sanyal) the helmsman of historic Naxal Bari workers-peasant uprising in may 1967 passed away on March 23^rd 2010 in Hatighisha village situated 32 kilometers away from Siliguri town of Darjeeling district. It is that very village where K.S lived for the last 30 years since his release from the jail in may 1979. Through out his life K.S was an inspiration to all those who from the earliest days, revolted against the revisionist and neo revisionist cancer that has sapped the vitality of the revolutionary movement. The struggle to build a strong and united communist party based on the correct line guided by the Marxism- Leninism- Mao Tse Tung thought always found him in the fore front, and till the day he died he was deeply involved in continuing a force to achieve unity among communist revolutionaries. His whole life’s struggle his grasp of theory and his revolutionary practice, his tireless effort for unity- all these made him a pivotal figure in the movement and won him a regarded which transcended divisions between revolutionary groups. This made him one of the prime movers behind the unity negotiations. It is no exaggeration to say that he lived for revolution, worked for revolution, and died while working for revolution.

              K.S’s live as revolutionary was eventful. He was born in hilly town called KURSEONG of Darjeeling district of Bengal in 1929. He has spent his childhood days in hilly environment of Darjeeling. For that reason some of his qualities ingredients to the hill people like bearing physical hardship as well as steadfastness to over come any difficulties that come in the way of work. K.S was third among seven sons and daughters of his father late Anand Govind Sanyal and mother Nirmala Sanyal.

              He came to politics when he was a student of intermediate of Jalpaiguri College. He in his teen was admirer of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. Slowly he came in touch with communist activists. He took part in student movements. During those days the communist party was banned. During this period K.S came in close contact with Rakhal Majumdar and Sunil Sarkar in Siliguri who were functioning secretly under the cover organization called Janaraksha committee. During this period K.S had to give up his studies because of his poor financial family condition and got a job in west Bengal government land settlement department under SDO in Siliguri. But he continued to keep in close touch with communist leaders. This time K.S took active part in black flag protest demonstration against the killing of Latika-Pratibha-Omiya and Geeta by the police when they leading a peaceful rally in Kolkata demanding revoking the ban imposed on communist party by the then congress rules under the chief minister ship of Dr. Bidhan Chandra Ray. K.S was one of the front liners black flag waver against Dr. B.C Ray. He was immediately arrested for participating in the protest demonstration. He spent three months in prison and subsequently released on bail. Inside the jail he came in close contact with leading communist leaders like Charu Majumdar, Shauresh Mitra, Anil Mukherjee, Khagen Roychaudhari and Rakhal Chaudhari. Coming out of jail he got the party membership in March 1950. During this period he soon rose in the militant ranks of the student of the youth movement and became important student youth leader of Student Federation and became state committee member. Returning from jail he had decided to become full time worker of undivided CPI and subsequently in 1952 K.S entered the Naxal Bari peasant-adivasi area as a full time communist activist to organize the peasant movement. He came to Naxal Bari and started working under the guidance of late Keshab Sarkar. Soon he became a valued independent organizer. His diverse activities in the cause of the revolutionary movement brought him to the notice of 

Ruling authorities and he was arrested several times starting in 1950. As per party's instruction K.S made all-out efforts to organize and expand the party base among the tea garden workers and peasants of rural areas of Tarai region.

                At the early period he along with late Jangal Santal, late Keshab Sarkar, late Panchanand Sarkar, late Jogen Mukherjee, late Kadom Mallick, Khokhan Majumdar and Khudan Mallick started working under the banner of’ Tarai Kishan Shamiti’. Later on they started organizing the peasants on the bases of the program and slogan given by the then ‘Kishan Sabah’ and the ‘communist party’. To implement the program of ‘land to the tillers’ they formed a platform called Siliguri Mohakuma (sub divisional) Kishan Sabah. Tea planter-land lords with the help of government administration and police conspired to evict the poor peasants from their lands and deprived from their rightful shares of the crops. Against such alliance under the leadership of K.S, worker and peasants got themselves organize and conducted series of struggles. During this period the forms of struggles were both peaceful as well as armed.

                  Gradually struggles surged ahead from lower to higher phase and finally it culminated into uprising of Naxal Bari on 24^th may 1967. 20 years after the great Telengana struggle the spring thunder over Tarai once again boldly put forwarded the correct path of Indian revolution.

                  It is very important to note that the Naxal Bari armed workers peasants uprising have a long process of development. It is perhaps necessary to recall some of the incidents to asses and to understand the reality behind the great Naxal Bari uprising. Today there exist many wrong notions and misconceived understandings among many people including communist revolutionaries. After the death of K.S, the maker of Naxal Bari, many people started telling lot of stories which are completely false and full of deceptions. Let us know from K.S’s own writing regarding the exact history of great Naxal Bari struggle.

               K.S in his writing “ the history of CPI(ML) from 1969 to 72- An evaluation”, says “ it would not be out of context to refer that comrade C.M (Charu Majumdar) was lying in his sick bed due to heart ailments and he was unable to attend the seventh west Bengal conference and party congress but the important comrade s of the Darjeeling district use to exchange view with him because of the respect to him as he was the senior most comrade in Siliguri and was also associated with Tebhaga movement  

in Jalpaiguri district. After the arrest of some comrades of Darjeeling district in the last part of 1964 and others in 1965 they were all loaded in Berhampur central jail. It was during this period some news came out in the news paper about call of armed struggle by comrade C.M. naturally there was commotion inside and outside the party. The state committee issued statement condemning it as anti party. The said documents were smuggled inside the jail and Darjeeling comrades especially the district committee members from Siliguri held discussion with comrade C.M. The main points of discussion were- a) CPI (M) is a revisionist party and unmasking them is the main political task. b) The path of Indian revolution is along the path of China and the immediate task is to start armed struggle. c) To build up secret combat group is the immediate task. d) Combat group will set fire to the houses of the land lords and eliminate the land lords physically. e) Collection of guns is another immediate task f) action mobilizes the masses and not the political propaganda. g) No necessity of mass organization and mass struggles. And h) area wise seizure of political power. . These issues were debated strongly. There was agreement on the question of path i.e. armed struggle but disagreement on combat group as eminent or immediate task, indispensability of mass organization and mass struggle. Political work and actions are not opposed to each other. On the contrary actions will be meaningless if politics is not at command. The political work is necessary condition for preparation an armed struggle. Comrade C.M disagreed but it was decided that revisionism is to be fought united. It was also agreed to work separately and learn from practice. It was also decided that comrades who upheld mass revolutionary line would practice in Siliguri Tarai region. And the comrades who upheld the line of action oriented secret combat group negating mass line would practice at Chater Haat area.

               K.S further observed “in view of intense and continued debate a convention was organized on May 7^th 1967 at village Rambola Jote under Khoribari P.S. workers-peasants most of whom were rural base party members of Siliguri subdivition and Darjeeling hill comrades along with Shadow district committee members like Jangal Santal, Souren Bose, Budhiman Bantewa, Dipak Biswas, Khokhan Majumdar, Keshab Sarkar were all present. There was more than 10/14 hours of debate and the convention clearly clinch the issue in fever of mass line against the politics of individual terror strategy through voting. This convention was the  

harbinger of Naxal Bari struggle and from this convention the slogan of capture of lands was raised along with four other slogans including the slogan of defending the captured land with conventional weapons were given”

          K.S continued “another important aspect of Naxal Bari struggle should be mentioned. It is already stated that the major section of comrades gathered under the banner of CPI (M) but many comrades who were carrying on struggles against the neo-revisionist leadership formed several groups to carry on struggles in and outside the CPI (M).” K.S further observed, “During this period comrade Charu Majumdar also advocated armed struggles in the Darjeeling district against the parliamentary path being peddled by the CPI (M) leadership. Here it should be remembered that there were existence of continuous mass base and also existence of continuous class struggle by the peasants and the tea garden workers in Darjeeling district since 1955 onwards. I would be proper to mention that the vast majority of the comrades in Darjeeling district rebelled against CPI and joined CPI (M). Like wise the vast majority of the party members of CPI (M) of workers and peasant origin rebelled against the neo-revisionist leadership of the CPI (M). The shadow district committee within the CPI (M) was carrying on struggles against the neo-revisionist as well as against the left adventurist trends of comrade C. M.” 

           From the above description given by K.S it is evident that since the beginning there existed two lines of understanding regarding the Naxal Bari struggle. One represented by K.S and other by C.M. In fact the Naxal Bari struggle was started and developed to the point of armed uprising on the basis of the line advocated by K.S. The existence of two lines was not known to comrades of the AICCCR that is why AICCCR could not dispel the misconceptions regarding the actual facts. If one goes to actual facts, one has to go back to the days of peasant movement of 1959. When congress government of West Bengal enacted ceiling on land and consciously did not implement the land there by deprived the peasants from land. Kishan Sabah of West Bengal had given call to stop Benami transaction of land by the land lords within the limit of certain dates. But the Kishan Sabah of Siliguri committee opposed the move and demanded to enact ceiling on the cultivable and non cultivable land and only ceiling act under the preview of the enactment should be left out and all the rest beyond the ceiling should be captured. This demand of Siliguri Kishan

Sabah was rejected by the state leadership of Provincial Kishan Council. In spite of the opposition Siliguri Kishan Sabah waged the struggle against Benami transfers. This act of Siliguri comrades was rejected and criticized by the party state conference in 1960-61 and called for withdrawal by the leadership. This withdrawal was supported by  

 Comrade C.M too but in spite of official withdrawal, the movement for land surged ahead. This time was very crucial and complex because in one hand anti China hysteria on the other the divisions of communist party have created huge political problems along with continuous attack on comrades by the government. Many comrades were sent to jail in the year 1962-64 and again in the year 1964-66. During this period the government started wide spread attacks on the peasants and tea garden workers. Thousands of workers and peasants and their leaders were arrested under Defense of India Rules. During this period party comrades had to reorganize the CPI (M) and lead the on going peasant struggle. They also had to combat the neo- revisionists and the left anarchists. In this situation comrades again started recapturing of lands, especially against two big land lords and the area virtually became free of land lords. Rich peasants and small land lords gave full support to the movement. The peasants started stanching guns from the land lords’ Gundas’. And finally in March 1967 the Siliguri Kishan Sabah demolished all the concrete quarters on the land that was forcibly taken from the workers by the planters and the workers took the position of the same land. During this time comrade C.M purposefully avoided shadow committee and gave slogans to boycott 1967 election. Comrade K.S and comrade Jangal Santal released from jail just before 1967 election. The boycott line was fought by the Siliguri comrades and Jangal Santal was made the candidate of CPI (M) in 1967.

                 Comrade Jangal Santal was defeated in the election but the congress ministry was also defeated and U.F ministry came to power in West Bengal in 1967. This time one of the big land lord Iswar Tirkey who happened to be a congress MLA tried to evict Bigul Kishan from his borga land in Naxal Bari. This created anger and gathered momentum. Comrade Jangal Santal led this struggle against this eviction. This created hue and cry by the media because Tirkey was not only an MLA but also a former deputy minister. The CPI (M) leadership 

went against their own comrades of Darjeeling and started campaigning against the comrades and terms this movement as the conspiracy to topple the U.F ministry. The left adventurist line led by C.M started propagating that revolutionary section led by K.S and Jangal Santal is nothing but militant economics. Both the claims were disapproved by the reality. U.F ministry ordered the police force to install police camps and issued arrest warrants against the leaders and activist of the movement. Comrade Hare Krishna Konar invited the leaders of the movement for talks. Accordingly comrade K.S and comrade Souren Bose went to meet comrade Konar in a forest bungalow in Shukna. Comrade Konar demanded surrender of all the comrades wanted by the police. Comrade K.S and comrade Souren Bose demanded and wanted clarification that why not the land lords will be arrested against whom many F.I.R. s’ were lodged but there was no reply. The talks broke down.

            Under this complex and critical situation the local struggling comrades remain firm. With in a week a large number of police force entered into a village called Bara Jharu to arrest the struggling comrades but the police force faced a strong resistance from the local villagers and this news like a fire spread all over the surrounding tea gardens. Thousands of peasant and workers rushed to the spot and a scuffle took place as a result police inspector Wangdi was killed. This incident took place in May 1967. This is the first time that the police forces were resisted with conventional weapons and hands. Thus the struggle for land turns in to a higher stage. This was a qualitative change in the struggle. And 24^th may became the Naxal Bari day. On 25^th may at Prosadu Jote women comrades were holding general meeting. SDO along with huge police force came to the meeting place. Seeing the police force women comrades surrounded the police and disarmed them. Seeing this mood of the women masses SDO requested the leaders to let them go. Women comrades agreed and allowed the SDO and police to go. Police left that spot with their arms but suddenly halted and open fired upon the women force and the eleven women comrades with a baby got killed. This incident exposed the real face of U.F government and the ugly face of CPI and CPI (M). These incidents created a great stir through out India and it exposed the sham hollowness of parliamentary path and brought forward the need of agrarian revolution and Naxal Bari became the turning point of the history of communist movement. K.S has become the hero of communist movement and helmsman of historic Naxal Bari workers-peasant struggle.

                               It is perhaps not irrelevant to mention some of the important happenings in connection with Naxal Bari struggle to have a clear picture. During the period July 1967 to September 1967 were very crucial. Continues encirclement by the armed police and paramilitary forces took place. Sudden arrest of Jangal Santal and Babulal Biswakarmakar created problem for the leadership. These caused problems because government made wide propaganda about their arrest. During this period the leadership decided to contact Chinese communist party.

                  Accordingly four comrades under the leadership of Kanu Sanyal went to China. These four comrades were Dipak Biswas, Khudan Mallick, Khokhan Majumdar and K.S himself. They stayed three months in China. They got extensive military training, technique of Guerilla warfare and Marxism- Leninism and Mao Tse Tung thoughts. At the fag end of their stay they met Mao Tse Tung, Chou En Lai, Kag Sengh, Liu Ning Yee and commander in chief of PLA. K.S talked to Mao for 45 minutes. Mao asked to K.S and others regarding their educational back ground, names, and about their journey. Mao told that, CPC supported Naxal Bari struggle because the experience of struggle in China was similar to Naxal Bari. Mao also asked K.S “have you read Hunan Report” and further “how many guns you have with you. And what types of guns are these?” in reply to this query K.S gave brief account of their positions. Mao further continued “in the beginning we had 120 or a little more gun and plenty of muzzle loader guns. If you persist in struggle you will get guns from enemy.”

                    Mao further explained “Soviet Union is trying to convene an international conference but they will fail to organize this, by this they are putting the noose around the neck and one end of the noose is in their hands or the world people who are to pull the noose and they will collapse.” He further said “soviet union has changed into social imperialism.” Mao categorically said that the Cultural Revolution is meant for China only and not for other countries. Mao enquired about their stay and finally Mao concluded “whatever you learned in China, forget it and act according to the situation of your country.” In this way meeting with Mao was ended. During K.S’s stay in China they met Chou En Lai thrice. He invited them for dinner and enquired about the struggle and situation of the struggle.

                   They returned to Katmandu on 25^th December 1967. Comrade K.S has given detailed description about their visit to this author which is recorded in video format. Second delegation of eight comrades visited China which comprised of Anil Mukherjee, Souren Bose, Kadom Lalmallick, Manilal Singh, Dulal Mondal, Pabitra Sengupta, Sukumar Ray, and Santi Pal. It is to be mentioned here that comrade Krishnabhakta Sharma was the first comrade who went to China on foot and explore the way for subsequent delegation. Second delegation stayed six months in China.

                    After returning from China K.S again got arrested in 1968 beginning and released on 9^th April 1969. While comrade K.S and others were in China AICCR was formed in November 1967. Comrade K.S was not in knowledge of this development. Again after returning from China he was arrested and after one year he came out from jail and formation of CPI (ML) was announced by K.S in first may 1969 in Kolkata. By the time of formation of CPI (ML) the differences and intense debts started inside and out side the AICCR which was not known to K.S and to Naxal Bari comrades.

                      CPI (ML) adopted line of Charu Majumdar which was earlier rejected by Naxal Bari movement under the leadership of K.S. Many important comrades such as T.Nagi Reddy, D.V Rao, C.P Reddy (the entire APCCR), Asit Sen., Parimal Dasgupta, and many others did not join the CPI (ML) because of serious differences and subsequently they formed their separate organizations immediately after May 1969.

                      CPI (ML) while rejecting the line of mass organization, mass movement and sustained development of mass revolutionary struggle, adopted the anarchist line of terrorism under the leadership of Charu Majumdar. The CPI (ML) in 1969 was in fact formed on the bases of rejected politics of mass approach towards mass struggle and mass organization. According to K.S, ‘to make it clear that the guerilla struggle means formation of secret and conspiratorial squads to attack land lords.’ This line of understanding advocated by comrade C.M was old line before Naxal Bari struggle and the party formed in 1969 accepted this line as the party line. Here it may be mentioned once again that this politics of secret action and combat group of C.M was defeated as Rambola Jote on 7^th may 1967. It has no relation with Marxism, Leninism and Mao Tse Tung thoughts. The party CPI (ML) was formed in 1969 on the bases of anarchism and terrorism and it was devoid of working class and peasantry.”

                         Ideological struggle between two lines inside the Darjeeling comrades never came to the knowledge of AICCR. It is because of this, nobody from Naxal Bari struggle was the member of AICCR. The real makers of Naxal Bari were kept outside the AICCR deliberately. Not only that but also the eminent communist leaders like Pramod Sengupta, Nagi Reddy, Parimal Dasgupta, D.V. Rao, C.P. Reddy and Asit Sen. were thorn out from the organization in the name of differences. These actions were purposeful and deliberate on the part of C.M to establish his authority.

                          K.S was again arrested in 1970 and remains inside the jail till 1979 may 8^th. On May 9^th 1979 he came out from jail. While he was in Vishakhanpattanam jail he got himself engaged in waging ideological and political struggle against the ultra left line of CPI (ML).Sitting inside the jail he wrote “more about Naxal Bari” in 1973 where he gave detail account of Naxal Bari uprising and the role of various comrades including his own. Subsequently he came out with brutally frank and honest self criticism. In his self criticism K.S wrote “the line of annihilation of class enemies secretly and conspiratorially was enunciated by comrade C.M and so he is mainly and wholly responsible and for this he cannot absolved. His line was defeated during Naxal Bari struggle but K.S also failed to carry on the struggle against this line on a sustained way. K.S suffered from anti Marxists ideas of leader and led. K.S opposed comrade C.M on many political junctures but in the wider panorama K.S took a most non Marxist and anti Marxist stand during the formation of CPI(ML) visa vies the role of comrade C.M. although C.M’s line failed and was defeated in Naxal Bari struggle in 1967; but when K.S found most of the comrades of other states were supporting comrade C.M and line of annihilation was already in application in wider panorama K.S took the position of ‘ let me wait and see’ at this stage. This showed that K.S had actually shunned Marxism and yielded to empiricism and practices worst form of liberalism. K.S’s silences in 1969 during the formation of the party as well as his own silence during the party congress in 1970 were taken as mute support for C.M’s line. So K.S is equally responsible for the anti Marxist line practiced by the CPI (ML).” further he concludes “K.S thinks that his own non Marxist approach was due to various factors- frequent going to jail and coming out from 1959 to 1969, long U.G life, 100 days hunger strike in jail and above all confusion about long standing comrades and frequent changes and separation in comradely camps. All these things together led to the development of some sort of proneness to liberalist approach.”

                 His bold self criticism made him a strong communist. That is why he differentiated himself from others and he genuinely tried to rectify his mistakes. The process of realization and rectification started from jail itself since 1970. He established an example for others. K.S’s entire life is based on communist values and morals. He never had double standard of life. He was a plain simple living communist. He lived with the people; he remained faithful to the people and dependent on the people till the death. He didn’t suddenly develop into a champion of the workers and peasants. He always was afraid of too many high sounding words preventing action. He sincerely believed that revolutionary works must not remain on paper only; they must be put in to action and practice. He was really mass revolutionary leader and true communist.

                 K.S while remaining inside jail came in close contact with T. Nagi Reddy another legendary figure in the communist movement who had been conducting ideological and political struggle against wrong line of CPI, CPM and CPI (ML) and initiated steps to unite the genuine communist forces outside the jail. T. Nagi Reddy’s initiative was fully supported by K.S from jail. T.N’s initiative was resulted in formation of Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (Marxist-Leninist) UCCRI (ML). Comrade K.S had sent a massage through Nagi Reddy expressing his greetings to the all India conference and said “I am one of your members inside the jail”. I was lucky and be proud of being present in that historical conference in 1975 April. A conference elected five central committee members comprising of D.V Rao (general secretary), T.Nagi Reddy, Anil Mukherjee, Mani Guha and Subodh Mitra. I was the youngest CCM of UCCRI (ML).

                   Coming out from jail in 1979 K.S took initiative to unite the CR groups that resulted initially in formation of OCCR in 1981 and latter on in 1985 under the leadership of K.S six groups namely

 OCCR(led by K.S), UCCRI(ML) (led by Subodh Mitra), COC CPI(ML) (led by Umadhar Singh), CPI(ML) Kaimurrange (led by Ravi Shankar), ICP (led by M.H Krishnappa) and liberation front (led by Sabuj Sen.) decided to merge into single organization and on 24^th may 1985 and formed COI(ML) through a unity convention. The unity convention elected K.S as general secretary with Asit Sinha, M.H Krishnappa, Sabuj Sen., Ravi Shankar, Umadhar Singh, and Subodh Mitra as central secretariat members. By this time T. Nagi Reddy died on 28^th July 1976.

                  K.S was not stopped there. He further went ahead and traveled all over India to unite the genuine CR forces into one single party. Since 1980 he was visiting various comrades, conducting discussion with every possible groups and individuals.

                  During the period of 1984 to 1990 he visited Kerala several times. Comrade K.S along with comrade Asit Sinha and Subodh Mitra met comrade K.P.R Gopalan number of times. Comrade K.P.R Gopalan, the legend of communist movement, was very close to comrade K.S. I was lucky to be the part of those meetings. Comrade K.S established close contact with K.P.R.In Kerala. COI (ML) formed its state unit. Important leaders were Gouri Dasan Nair, Mandalam Mohammad, Dr. Karoli, I.C. Rajapan, and M.K. Krishnan Kutti. Kerala unit of COI (ML) had a very close friendly relation with K.P.R and his organization Bolshevick Party.

                      At all India level K.S along with K.P.R, M.H Krishnappa and Satyanarayana Sinha took joint initiative to unite other CR groups also. This resulted in formation of 13 group joint coordination in 1984. K.P.R merged with CPIU (ML) in 1991 and elected as the chairman of CPIU (ML). K.P.R was legendary figure in the communist movement. He was always in favor of unity of CR groups. In Kerala K.P.R was leading and inspiring figure, who came out from CPI (M) and waged relentless struggle against revisionism and anarchism of CPI (M) and CPI(ML)respectively.. He was very close to UCCRI (ML) and its leaders, D.V Rao, T. Nagi Reddy and others. Unity process was going on even after the death of T.Nagi Reddy, D.V Rao, and K.P.R Gopalan under the leadership of K.S. In 2003, three all India groups namely COI(ML), CPIU(ML), and CPI(ML) Unity Initiative had united into CPI(ML) and at the same time held discussion with Kerala based CPI(ML) Red Flag and again in 2005 CPI(ML) and CPI(ML) Red Flag merged into CPI(ML) under the leadership of comrade K.S through unity conference.

                       I have three decades of close relationship with K.S and got the opportunity to work with him, to live with him and traveled with him through out India. I have closely watched him and learned from his life struggle. He always believed in building up people’s alternative against sustained attack on Marxism. He always raised his voice against attack on democratic rights of the people by the state and its forces. In spite of his ill-health he rushed to Singur from Darjeeling to protest against atrocities and to meet the fighting peasants of Singur. On his way to Singur, along with his comrades Subrata Basu, Padip Debnath and Subodh Mitra, he got arrested. Again when genocide took place in Nandigram, K.S with heavy pain and agony rushed to Nandigram to extend his support to the heroic struggle. In Nandigram he met fighting people, held extensive discussions with the leaders of the movement and warned the disruptive forces who tried to mislead and convert the struggle to capture the area for their narrow ulterior motive. When he along with comrade Asit Sinha, comrade Subodh Mitra, comrade late Rabin Guha, comrade Swadesh Banerjee, comrade Asim Ghosh, comrade Gautam Chaterjee and comrade late Bahar Sekh was going to meet Anju Dhara, the leading woman activist of Nandigram struggle, in her village of Nandigram, the TMC and Maoist cadres combined and tried to block his way, Comrade K.S gave bold reply to them and warned them for their disruptive role. After talking to the people of Nandigram he made a statement terming Nandi gram’s struggle as ‘turning point of the history of the people’s democratic resistance movement in India.’

                       He extended his full support to the struggle of Adivasi’ of Jangalmahal and opposed the repression of joint Para military forces including the operation of Green Hunt in Lalgarh. He demanded immediate withdrawal of UAPA.

                      We use to call him Kanu Da. During his 60 years of political life he spent 18 years in jail, 15 years in underground. He always lived with the toiling masses. His living place since 1979 was in party commune situated in remote village called Sebdella Jote under Hatighisha mauza in Naxal Bari. This particular village was created by comrades who came out from jail 78-79 period. Many of the great fighters of Naxal Bari uprising like late Jangal Santal and late Keshab Sarkar used to live in this village and their families are still living there. K.S was looked after by the people and comrades there. K.S’s end came in the very commune.

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Com.Kanu Sanyal's 2nd death anniversary on March 23.

March 23, Comrade Kanu Sanyal's 2nd  Death Anniversary. He was the General Secretary of CPI(ML) and prominent leader of Naxalbari struggle.


Com.KS always dreamt the dream of socialism and felt the urge to continue his fight for socialism  for achieving a social system free from class oppression and class exploitation that would ensure peace, democracy and happy life for everybody.


Com.KS passed away with his dream unfulfilled. But the dream of Com.KS remains and keep us inspiring to live up to his expectation.


RED SALUTE TO COMRADE KANU SANYAL - THE VOICE OF INDIAN REVOLUTION.
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PEOPLE'S LITERATURE.

PEOPLE’S LITERARY AND CULTURAL MOVEMENT.  {DOCUMENT}

Any culture is expressed in human relations, thoughts, actions, life styles and social activity. In one word, culture is nothing but an expression of economic, political and social life of a given society. Since the emergence of class society, literature, art and culture had seen representing the interests of a definite class or classes. So, every class society has two kinds of literature, art and culture. One is the literature, art and culture of the exploiting ruling classes and another is the literature, art and culture of the exploited and oppressed classes struggling to free themselves from the old society and herald a new society. The contradictions-struggle-unity that manifest in the sphere of literature, art and culture, therefore, are only a reflection of struggle between the old and new social system and class forces. The exploiting ruling classes always try to negate, undermine and suppress the literature, art and culture representing the interests of the exploited and oppressed classes and promote and protect the literature, art and culture that represent their own interests. They project their own literature, art and culture as that of entire society. They indulge in all rubbish talk like’ art for art’s sake’, ‘non-class art’ or ‘art for common good’ only with an aim to smoothen the way to market the literature, art and culture that serve their own interests. The struggle between the old and new literature art and culture together with the struggle for or against the social change is continuing in India too ever since India was divided into a class society. The people’s literature, art and culture in our country have a long and tortuous course of development and glorious history.

India is faced with an all-round cultural crisis today. Everywhere we find poisonous and degraded values polluting the minds and social atmosphere. Retrogressive culture and values in the name of past heritage and decadent culture and values in the name of modern culture are reining the scene. This is very disturbing situation for everyone who is concerned about the future of India.

Feudalism of Middle age is historically out dated in India too as was the case with many countries in the world. But the colonialists first, then the imperialists and the exploiting ruling classes in collusion with them had neither allowed feudalism to meet its natural and inevitable death not tolerated the struggle of new social forces to drive it into the grave with all its traces. They retained it with certain modifications together with the culture and values associated with feudalism to use the same to prevent the onward march of the social forces.

The feudal culture is playing a key role in sustaining the backward, retrogressive and antidemocratic ideas and forces in the society. It is preventing the growth of people’s consciousness from questioning the exploitation and oppression of the feudal and other exploiting classes and their authority, egos and hypocrisy. The cast system and caste chauvinism which are eating away the vitals of Indian Society are continued fundamentally by the feudal productive relations. For generations, the women are looked down as second-rate citizens. They are weighed down heavily by the customs, traditions and patriarchal system. The theory of fate or destiny in the name of god and religion, the concepts of previous birth or rebirth that are being injected into the brains of the people are playing like opium to keep the people buried under the influence of many superstitions, myths and illusions. The mindset of the people is being diverted to seek spiritual solutions for the real problems faced by them in their lives. In the midst of phenomenal advance in the sphere of science and technology, various blind beliefs, vaastu and astrology etc., continue to guide or dictate the lives of our people. Bhakti, devotion to god and blind beliefs, superstition are being promoted as a big industry. The religious superstitions and fanaticism would not allow the rational thinking, creativity and scientific genius of the human beings. All these are an integral part of feudal culture. In the attempt to impose and legitimize the monopoly of a ’gifted’ few over the mental and material resources of people, the feudal culture preaches that the social qualities take a shape and flourish out of one’s birth, caste, religion and position but not in accordance with the economic, political and cultural conditions. Thus the feudal culture represents a historically obsolete social system and is playing the role of holding back and arresting the onward march of Indian society. The progressive, democratic writers and artists are therefore; faced with the challenge of breaking the shackles of feudal culture and adding strength and impetus to the people who are struggling to put an end to feudalism and win a New Democratic Society.

The British colonial rule ended in 1947 but their plunder continued in India. The Indian rulers had opened doors of the Indian economy wide for the imperialist loot and plunder and consequently several imperialist powers, especially the US, came to dominate every aspect of life in India. It got further intensified many times with the policy of globalization adopted by the Indian ruling classes.

The imperialist penetration and control are not limited to economic and political spheres. The education, research, media, literature, art and culture, for that matter every branch of intellectual and cultural activity suffers from the pernicious influence and domination of imperialism. A Culture of slavishly eulogizing and imitating the western culture, infatuation for the English language, addiction to consumerism and denigration of one’s own mother tongue, fancy for US are systematically injected into the brains of our people. Many deceptive and sophisticated methods are being employed for this purpose. The unquenchable thirst for profit and share in the loot-a basic nature of capitalist’s selfishness, taking an indifferent, casual and non-concern attitudes towards events, trends and forces that are seriously affecting the larger sections of people and society, social neglect, disrespect to human values, drug addiction, anarchism, criminality, pub-culture, treating women as commodities, hedonism, spreading hate towards Muslims in the name of war between religions or civilizations – all a part of the imperialist culture are being spread in the Indian society. The agencies and forces funded and guided by the imperialists are working overtime to pollute and poison the mind of our people. They are doing everything to disarm the people and social forces as well as people’s movements by open and hidden attacks and unrelenting attempts to confuse, shatter confidence, fragment and dismantle progressive ideas, scientific ideologies and leaderships.

The imperialist globalization had further intensified and speeded up this course of decadence. It is bent on trampling under the foot the principles of democracy and independence and the struggle of our people for highest forms of democracy, independence and progress. It is bent on distorting, vulgarizing and ultimately wiping out the natural, diverse and live forms of national and ethnic cultures and replacing them with perverted and decadent imperialist culture. The MNCs and Indian corporate houses and other countless agencies, various forms of media, TV channels, cinema and advertising agencies are working overtime to spread the cultural pollution, set the mindset, habits, mannerisms, life styles, food habits, attitudes towards beauty, glamour and social stature to boost up profits for the imperialist companies. The so called IT sector has become a big Centre not only for the ruthless loot of our country’s mental wealth but also a Centre to mould a section of our intellectual cream into tools of a neo colonial form of plunder and domination. All this is making the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal literature, art and cultural movement more difficult and at the same time, all important.

The bourgeois ideas and culture had flown into India from the world. They had also sprouted on the Indian soil along with the emerging capitalist forces. Yet they could not grow in a healthy manner. They lacked a sound and independent basis of capitalism as the main cream of capitalists in India allowed themselves shamelessly to be tied by thousand and one strings of dependence and compradorism to the imperialists. Thus they had reduced themselves into vehicles to spread the imperialist culture in India. With this, we came to have a peculiar situation where the identification of bourgeois culture presents itself as uphill task without subjecting it to the acid test whether it demarcates itself from the retrogressive feudal culture and decadent imperialist culture. So, the progressive and democratic writers and artists are faced with the challenge of liberating our people and society from the shackles of imperialist culture and paving the way for a democratic, independent and prosperous India.

We stand for people’s literature, art and culture. By this we clearly mean that the literature, art and culture which represent the aspirations, urges and struggles of exploited and oppressed people for a social system sans exploitation and oppression. In the present situation of our country, it is anti-feudal and anti-imperialist in its nature and represents the aspirations, urges and struggles of the exploited and oppressed people forces for a New Democratic Society.

The struggle of the democratic and revolutionary classes and forces to end the present semi-colonial and semi-feudal economic and political system clears the ground and lays the basis necessary for the scientific, democratic and national culture to take root and develop. Similarly, the cultural movement by the developing the scientific, democratic and national culture will create the favorable cultural atmosphere and add strength and impetus to the struggle of the democratic and revolutionary classes and forces to end the present social system and build a new democratic society. So, the writers and artists must take inspiration from it and represent the aspirations and struggle of the oppressed classes for social change as it is the basis of the ideological revolution they are committed to achieve.

As writers and artists committed to the social objective of ending the feudal and imperialist exploitation and oppression in our country and advancing towards the ultimate goal of a society and a world free from inequality, exploitation, oppression and war we naturally own and identify with the struggles in the world with similar causes. We own and inherit every achievement in the realm of literature, art culture and human thought by our people in the past as well as in the world. Also the achievements won in the course and as a result of their struggle against the forces to hold back the onward march of human society. We declare ourselves as the inheritors of all humanists, progressive and cultural ideology achieved by the different oppressed people as a result of their cultural struggles. We own the patriotic and democratic values that are reflected and depicted in the Indian literature in the past. We take inspiration from the First War of Independence in 1857 and various freedom struggles, Telangana, Naxalbari uprisings, the struggles of peasants, workers, adivasis, women, students, youth, dalits, minorities and middle classes.

India is a country of various nationalities in different stages of development. Every nationality has its own distinct features, language and culture. While the Indian ruling classes representing the interests of feudalism and imperialism are doing everything to scuttle the rights of these nationalities and entangle them in fratricidal and diversionist quarrels, we are committed to own their contributions to the wealth of progressive and democratic literature and art, respect their distinct features and forms and enrich the anti-feudal and anti-imperialist content of the people’s literary and cultural movement in India.

The Indian ruling classes are utilizing the ideological fields to intensify contradictions, divisions and conflicts among the people well that the united people would eventually grow in strength capable of overthrowing the present system. They are using religious fanaticism and fundamentalism as important tools not only in the gamble for power and vote banks but also keep the people divided, diverted and submerged in the dark world of retrogressive ideas. 1984 massacre against the Sikhs; 1993 Babri Masjid demolition by the Hindu fundamentalists led by the Sang Parivar; 2002 Gujarat genocide and the tensions and clashes that are occasionally bursting out in one place or the other in India in the last six decades are only a part of this game of the ruling classes. While the Muslim communal and fundamentalist forces are striving to hold back the masses of Muslim people from coming into the progressive and democratic stream of struggles by offering the spiritual and communal solutions, the Hindu communal and fundamentalists are resorting to aggressive methods to impose the hegemony of Hindu religion over Muslims by projecting Hindu religion as synonym to nationalism, the feudal culture based on Hindu religion as Indian culture. We the writers and artists oppose religious fanaticism, fundamentalism, inequality and discrimination. We stand for democratic, secular and scientific culture and use the literary and art forms to strengthen the unity of the oppressed classes of all faiths.

India is the country of the different languages. Each language is rich in it and has contributed a lot to the cultural and intellectual development of the respective nationality. Respecting each language (Mother tongue), treating al languages as equal and as a valuable wealth of our country and people must be our policy. However, the British colonialists had pursued a policy of neglect and undermining towards the Indian languages and impose English as the ruling language. The Indian ruling classes too are continuing this policy. They are encouraging linguistic fanaticism, a policy of imperialism giving royal treatment to certain languages. The imperialist globalization is engaged in renewed attempts to make English to dominate all other Indian languages. In the last six decades, the writers, artists, educationist and the lovers of mother tongue in different states carried on and are still carrying on a movement for equality of languages, use of mother tongue in educational and administrative fields and better conditions for its development. We are a part of this movement. When we declare our respect to mother tongue and equality of all languages we also mean that we are belittling other languages and  we recognize one’s right to learn the languages of her/his choice, including English.

The real inexhaustible source of people’s literature and art lies in the life and struggles of the oppressed people. The writers and artists must, therefore, avail themselves of every opportunity to link themselves, closely study, feel and analyze the sufferings, aspirations and struggles of the masses of oppressed people against the feudal and imperialist exploitation and oppression and use the same as the content of their literary and art forms.  The masses of oppressed people are not only the real source of content for the literary and art forms but also are the real arena where the literary, art forms are put to use in the interests of oppressed people, hence, the need to go to the people.

On the whole, the people’s literary, art and cultural movement in our country had developed unevenly and with ups and downs. It had gone through the periods of infancy, adolescence, full blossoming, stagnation, disintegration and again the period of revival. Its development is closely linked with the strongly influenced by the developments and trends in the ideological and political sphere as well as ebbs and flows in the people’s movement for social change. The spread of scientific and progressive ideas brought a sea change in the orientation of writers and artists regarding the very purpose of literature and art. It gave a big boost to the production and spread of peoples literature and art. It has moved several dozens of intellectuals, writers and artists to undertake studies and researches into the origin and development of scientific, materialist and progressive ideas in India in various branches. They had dug out the contributions by the toiling and oppressed people to the cultural and intellectual progress of our country. These contributions have blasted several myths, irrational and superficial ideas such as ‘unquestionable beliefs, eternal and sacred truths’ or knowledge said to have emanated from the Almighty to sanctify and perpetuate the exploiting system. These contributions had not only connected us with our own past but also provided a dependable basis and weapon to fight against the retrogressive and reactionary ideas and forces and take the ideological revolution to new heights.

The formation of All India Progressive Writers Association (AIPWA) and Indian Peoples Theatre Association (IPTA) in 1936 marked a big leap forward in the literary, art and cultural movement. These moves gave a concrete and organized shape and thrust to an all India movement. This movement had blossomed and added the strength and momentum to the people’s movement for social change. The period of Telangana peasant struggle (1946-51) provides a shining example for how beautifully the literature, art and cultural movement and the movement for social change can march hand in hand, gain strength and momentum from one another and unite in a common cause. Same was the case with the literary, art and cultural movement in Bengal, Kerala, Tamilnadu, Orissa, UP, Punjab, Assam, Maharashtra and other states. The people’s literature, art and cultural movement made its own impact and contributed to the advance of struggles for social change wherever and to whatever extent the writers, artists and creative workers with scientific, progressive and people orientations made conscious and organized work. Kazi Nazrul Islam, Rahul San krutyan, Kishan Chander, Sri Sri, Koku, Anna Bhaau Sadhe, Makdum Mohiyuddin, Sunkara, Sukanta Bhattacharya, Faiz Ahmed, Sadat Hasan Manto, Tarashankar bandopadhaya and many others had contributed a lot to the people’s literature and art. The literature and art produced by them had played a significant role in taking the socialist, materialist, democratic and patriotic ideas among the widest masses of oppressed people. These literary and art forms, rich in content and form, could influence the intellectual sections in good number and bring them into the stream of progressive and democratic movements. Some of the progressive writers and artists integrated themselves closely and had become virtually an inseparable part of the then ongoing anti-feudal and anti-imperialist peoples’ movements and contributed to their advance. The progressive writers and artists had done a great service in bringing valuable literature from other languages within the reach of Indian People.

The State of stagnation and disintegration experienced by the people’s literary, art and cultural movement in its life was a direct consequence of serious setbacks suffered by the revolutions in the world as well as India owing to revisionist ideas gaining dominance in the ideological, political and practical spheres. This situation made the task to uphold, restore and assert the correct orientations in the ideological and political spheres as well as in the sphere of class struggle and social revolution more difficult, tortuous and complex. More so was in the sphere of literature, art and culture. The all India structures such as PWA and IPTA had virtually collapsed under the onslaught of reformism. The reactionary ideas, trends and forces had intensified their attempts to gain from it and occupy the space and become more aggressive in their attack against the scientific and progressive ideas and forces.

However, the writers, artists and creative workers who remained unshaken in their commitment to the cause of social revolution sought to swim against the adverse conditions and continued the creative work. They tried to keep them in touch with the developments in the country, masses of toiling and oppressed people and their struggles. They sought to depict the lives, feelings, aspirations and struggles of the toiling people. In their writings, various art forms and through available means of mass communication they sought to keep alive the finer aspects of culture, democratic values, uphold the rights of people, expose the rot in the present system and raise the consciousness of the people. They responded to all positive turns and advances in the ideological and political struggle, upswings, militant or revolutionary turns in the struggles and movements of toiling and oppressed people. They extended solidarity and support whenever the people came under the brutal attack of the retrograde, reactionary and dark forces or communal holocausts or natural calamities. They worked through the writers groups, cultural troupes or organizations, at local or state level or as individuals. Thus they sought to the best of their ability to keep alive and spread the values and traditions, represented by the people’s literary and cultural movement.

The revolutionary situation in the country as reflected in the Naxalbari peasant uprising in 1967 and other peasant revolutionary movements had infused new life into the progressive literary and cultural activity. Revolutionary literary and cultural organizations came into existence in different states. However, extremism which came to dominate the scene including the sphere of literature and art had negatively affected the efforts to unite the writers and artists, to fully use their talents in the interests of developing a progressive literary and cultural movement and people’s revolutionary movement. At the same time, there are certain sections which continued efforts with the orientation of people’s literary and cultural movement taking the experiences of all these revolutionary and progressive literary and cultural groups. Now it is time to make the efforts with renewed vigor to build an all India people’s literary and cultural movement.

We, welcome all efforts and struggles in the world directed against the imperialist globalization. We extend our solidarity to the struggles of working class and oppressed people for a world free from inequality, exploitation, oppression and war.

It will be our constant and unrelenting endeavor to further deepen our understanding and orientation by studying the masters in the world literature and literacy criticism. It will be our goal to add strength and momentum to the struggle of our people to end the present system and for New Democracy. It is our task to rally all writers and artists with this social objective into an organized all India people’s literary and cultural movement.

IN conclusion, we reiterate:  1. since the masses of toiling and oppressed people are the real source of literature and art as well as the field of activity for the writers, artists and other creative workers it is natural we go to the people and integrate ourselves with them fully and whole-heartedly. We study and analyses every aspect of their life and struggle so that we can produce the literature and art better in quality and effective in serving the cause of people. 2. The social cause is the guiding star for all forms of creative work. We believe that the scientific, democratic and national literature, art and culture cannot develop fully and in an unhindered and all round manners without sweeping away the feudal and imperialist plunder and oppression which are dominating our society fully and completely from the face of our society and building a new democratic society. So we strive to rally and unite all the writers, artists and every one interested in using their creative energies and talents towards in the end. 3. The people’s literary, art and cultural movement, we wish to develop is all India in its character. We respect the culture of working class and other classes taking part in the New Democratic Revolution. We also take note of diverse and distinct forms of culture, literature and art that the nationalities and ethnic groups came to have in the course of their development. While forging unity among the writers, artists and other creative workers on the basis of common cause of fighting for a New Democratic India, we own, protect and help the development of diverse and distinct forms of culture, literature and art of different nationalities and ethnic groups. We encourage them to learn from one another with the aim of achieving higher level of cultural development and raise the unity and struggle of toiling and oppressed masses of Indian people for the common cause to a higher level.

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K.Ravibabu 
on behalf of:                                                                                        K. Ravi Babu                                                                             

All India People’s Literary Forum.                                                      30-7-6 

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Email: ravibabujs@yahoo.co.in              Phone:9490196890.