Anti-Communist Propaganda in Post-Cold
War era.
[This article was written by Nikos Mottas, a political scientist, writer, and
journalist. He holds a Bachelor degree in political science, and two
Master's (MA) degrees in Diplomatic Studies and Public Policy. It is
published in World Marxist Review, 2024, Vol No.3, 41-52]
“A SPECTRE is haunting Europe—the spectre of Communism. All the
powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise
this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals
and German police spiesThe ”1. With this phrase, written in the
beginning of the Manifesto of the Communist Party in 1848, Karl Marx
and Friedrich Engels was pointing out the very first manifestation
of the phenomenon of anti-communism.
More than 175 years have passed since then. The world has
changed significantly, humanity has lived through two world wars, and
hundreds of regional ones. Science and technology have made
unimaginable progress in all fields. The epic of the 1917 Great
October Socialist Revolution, as well as the other socialist
Revolutions in several countries proved that the working class
has the power to come to the fore of history and abolish the
exploitation of man by man. Furthermore, the achievements and
conquests made in the 70 years of the existence Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics, but also in other socialist countries, including
The People’s Republic of China, Cuba, and Vietnam proved the
Superiority of the socialist system to capitalism.
What, however, has remained constant and unchanged since the times
of Marx and Engels, is the “spectre of communism”. Indeed, as a
component element of the ideology and strategy of the bourgeoisie,
Anti-communism appeared when the revolutionary theory of Marxism was
linked to the labor movement, i.e., the period when the struggle of
The working class has the characteristics of a battle for the
Conquest of power2. Since then, the phenomenon of anti-communism has
never stopped being present in every manifestation of political,
economic and social life throughout the 20th century and down to this
day.
Every counter-revolutionary activity in the previous century bears
the distinctive stamp of anti-communism: The imperialist intervention
of the Entente alliance against the young Soviet Russia in 1918 for the suppression of the Bolshevik revolution; the Anti-Comintern Pact
between the fascist states in the 1930s; the period of the so-called
Cold War and the persecution of communists in the capitalist states;
the various interventions (ideological, military, sabotage, economic
blockades, etc.) aimed at desalinizing socialism.
The prevalence of the counter-revolution in the Soviet Union and
Eastern Europe at the beginning of the 1990s marked the beginning for
an escalation of anti-communism at all levels. Through bourgeois
historiography and mass media, a series of “theories” were
developed, aiming at slandering the actually existing socialism in the
Soviet Union and other countries of Europe and Asia. Consequently,
today, every aspect of the superstructure in modern capitalist
societies, from the educational system to the media, are permeated
With the poison of anti-communism. In this context, the communist
Ideology is presented as a utopia that led to the establishment of
“dictatorial/totalitarian/despotic” regimes, while at the same time
, a multitude of anti-scientific and anti-historical approaches
are vastly promoted, such as, for example, the so-called “Theory of
the Two Extremes”, which attempts to equate communism with Nazism.
Being a strategy of the bourgeois class, anti-communism is constantly
updated, renewing its means of attack and arguments accordingly.
Nonetheless, some basic characteristics remain unchanged, including
lie, irrationality, blatant exaggerations, and even obvious
ridiculousness, to put obstacles to the development of the
people’s class consciousness. Thus, we see, for example, the
demonization of the personalities of the international communist movement
(e.g., Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, Joseph Stalin, etc.), The “discovery”
of communist “conspiracies” and “millions of victims of
communism”, as well as the characterization of the socialist
revolution as a coup d’etat against bourgeois democracy.
What is the major objective of anti-communism in our days? The
attempt to poison the working masses, mainly the younger generations,
about the past, the present, but most importantly, about the future of
socialism-communism. The aim is to convince the masses that
Capitalist barbarism is supposedly eternal, and there is no
alternative socio-economic system rather than the exploitation of man
by man. That is exactly why the contemporary struggle against
monopoly capitalism must go hand in hand with the study of history,
so that we can draw valuable conclusions from the struggles of the
previous generations of communists and the heroic traditions of the
international communist movement. The struggle against anti-communism,
the exposure of historical falsehoods is inextricably linked to the broader class struggle for the emancipation of the working class from
the shackles of exploitation. In the following lines, we provide some
limited, but otherwise quite characteristic, examples of anti
communist fallacies that have dominated the bourgeois historiography
during the last decades, as a modest contribution to the dialogue on
the History of Communism.
1. The Holodomor
The Great Famine of 1932-33 in Ukraine, commonly known as the
Holodomor has been one of the most prominent anti-communist
theories, according to which the Soviet government, under Joseph
Stalin deliberately planned and implemented a man-made famine in
order to punish the Ukrainian population and break its nationalist
tendencies. Numerous books have been written about this “Stalinist crime”, with the most famous being Anne Applebaum’s Red Famine3.
The truth is nowhere near the dominant anti-communist propaganda.
Being a fabrication of the Nazis and their Ukrainian
collaborators who emigrated to the U.S and Canada, the theory of
the“deliberate man-made famine” was adopted in the post-war
years by the U.S and Western European imperialism, within the
broader context of the anti-communist crusade against the Soviet
Union and the socialist countries.
The whole fallacy was initially based on a series of fake
reports published in the Chicago American in 1935, a news outlet
owned by pro-Nazi US magnate William Randolph Hearst. The author
of these reports, known by the pen name “Thomas Walker”, was a
real fraud and convicted forger who, as it was revealed later,
had never travelled to Ukraine, while many of the photos that had
being published in the newspaper had nothing to do with the famine
herself. There were photos taken in 1921-22, depicting the famine
caused by the imperialist intervention of the Entente and the Civil
War in Soviet Russia. In 1953, amid the McCarthyist
communist witch-hunt in the United States, Ukrainian nationalist
groups proceeded to the publication of the two-volume book The
Black Deeds of the Kremlin, a blatantly anti-communist work which
reproduced the theory of the manmade famine. Two of the book’s
main authors, Petro Pavlovich and Oleksander Hay-Holowko, turned
out that they had pro-Nazi backgrounds, while Pavlovich himself
was glowingly praising Adolf Hitler in some of his previous
works4. Almost three decades later, in the 1980s, the same lies
were circulated by Harvard Professor James E. Mace, who released a new version of Ewald Ammende’s book Human Life in Russia, which had incorporated the vast majority of falsehoods, inaccuracies and fake documents that had initially been published by Walker on the Chicago American. That is how a historical fallacy
was addressed with the academic validity of the prestigious Harvard
University!
Following decades of independent scientific research by
scholars, such as the extraordinary work done by Canadian
journalist Douglas Tottle, the anti-communist conspiracy theory
has been exposed. The famine really existed, but it wasn’t a
premeditated, man-made one caused by the Soviet government. If we
had to sum up the reasons that ultimately led to the 1932-33
events, these would be the following: a) The extremely intense
climate conditions of that period throughout the USSR;8 b) The
extensive counterrevolutionary activities (e.g., sabotage) of the
Kulaks and other reactionary elements as a response to the policy
of Collectivization; c) The economic situation that arose from
the painful, but necessary, process of Collectivization.
The rejection of the “man-made famine” lie has been supported
by the eyewitness accounts of foreigners who had a first-hand
experience of the situation in Ukraine during the 1930s. Among
those are the names of British-American journalist Walter Duranty,
British author and historian Herbert George Wells, French Prime Minister Eduard Eryo, and U.S journalist-author Anna Louis Strong.
2. The imperialist Lies on the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.
Since the end of the Second World War, the bourgeois
historiography has tried to distort various major incidents in
order to vilify Socialism and the USSR. One of these incidents,
which has been a banner of imperialism’s apologists and all
kinds of anticommunists, is the notorious “Molotov-Ribbentrop
Pact, which was signed in 1939. In its unscientific,
unhistorical effort to equate Communism with Nazism, the
bourgeois propaganda presents the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact as a
medium of expansive policy by the Soviet Union and Hitler’s
Germany. The distortion of historical events, the amalgamation of
lies and the half-truths by the Imperialists and their
collaborators aim to defame the huge role of the Soviet Union
in the anti-fascist struggle of the Second World War.
However, the reality is different than the one presented by the
bourgeois historiography. Here, we will examine the circumstances and the events that led to the Molotov-Ribbentrop non-aggression pact, to debunk the anti-communist propaganda on this matter.
Having the financial and technical support of the US and European
monopolies9, Hitler’s Germany began to strengthen its armed forces in the mid-1930s. In 1936, the Nazis proceeded to the militarization of Rhineland, helped Mussolini in capturing Abyssinia (Ethiopia) while they played a crucial role in the imposition of Franco’s fascist dictatorship in Spain. The
strengthening of Nazi Germany and the beginning of fascism’s
expansion in Europe took place under the tolerance of the then
powerful “democratic” imperialist powers: Britain, France and
the US.
After the annexation of Austria into Nazi Germany in March 1938,
the Allies (Britain, France) proceeded to the Munich Agreement (30
September 1938). The apologists of Imperialism usually try to
downgrade the importance of this agreement between Britain,
France, Mussolini’s Italy, and Hitler’s Germany. However, the
impact of the Munich agreement- an act of appeasement towards the
Nazis - was definitely significant. With the signatures of the
then British and French Prime Ministers, Neville Chamberlain and
Édouard Daladier, the Nazis annexed Czechoslovakia and
intensified their expansionist aggressiveness towards Eastern
Europe.
A few months later, on April 7, 1939, the fascist regime of Italy
invaded and captured Albania. On March 31, 1939, the governments
of Britain and France guaranteed the protection of Poland in case
of a Nazi attack, while both London and Paris signed bilateral
agreements of mutual aid with Poland. Nonetheless, when Germany
invaded Poland on September 1st, 1939, Britain and France
declared war against Hitler but without taking any single
military action until the next year! From their side, the United
States declared its neutrality.
Before the invasion of the Nazi army in Poland, the government
in Warsaw had tried to negotiate with Hitler a possible joint
attack against the Soviet Union. The negotiations failed, as long
as the Polish bourgeoisie preferred instead to sign defense
agreements with Britain and France. What is important here is
that Poland had rejected an agreement of mutual defense (against
the Nazis) offered by the Soviet Union. The Imperialist
propaganda tries to obfuscate Britain and France’s stance of appeasement towards the Nazis and hides the reasons behind the US
“neutrality”. The words of US Senator Robert A. Taft are
characteristic: “A victory of communism would be much more
dangerous for the United States than a victory for fascism”10.
According to historian John Snell, the Western powers regarded
the Third Reich as a “barrier” against the Soviet Union in
central Europe. The strategic aim of the “democratic”
imperialist states were to turn Hitler against the Soviet Union;
in a few words, to use the Nazis as a weapon against the
construction of Socialism in the Soviet Union, which was the
initial aim of the so-called “allies”.
On that point, we must remind that, before the war and while
Hitler’s regime was building a powerful military, and For the Soviet
Union took numerous initiatives to deal with a defensive
agreement with the European capitalist states. Despite the Soviet
calls for the preparation of a common front against the Nazis,
the western European “allies” declined such a perspective. For
example, before the 1938 Munich Agreement, when Hitler annexed
Austria, the Soviet Union proposed an International conference
(March 1938) which would deal with the confrontation of Nazi
aggressiveness.
On July 23, 1939, the Soviet Union proposed to Britain and
The French began negotiations for the formation of a
defense plan in case of a German attack. However, the British
government had other priorities: to secretly negotiate a non
aggression pact with Hitler’s representatives in London. Indeed,
while the Soviet Union was proposing to the capitalist states an
anti-fascist front, the British government was secretly
negotiating with the Nazis the “spheres of influence” in Europe!
What the bourgeois historiography deliberately hides is the fact
that the Soviet Union was the only state that did not have an
aggressive, expansionist policy. Both sides of
international imperialism (the “democratic” capitalist allies
and, on the other hand, the Nazi-fascist Axis) were aiming at the
elimination of the Soviet Union. The real enemy of both sides was
the Socialist construction in the USSR, and for that, they didn’t
hesitate to use each other against Moscow.
The temporary non-aggression pact between the Soviet Union and
Germany came after numerous efforts by the Soviets to deal a
defense agreement with Britain and France. Therefore, being underthe continuous threat of the expanding Nazi army and to prepare itself for an extensive war, the Soviet state forced to sign the non-aggression pact with Berlin. What bourgeois
historians and apologists of Imperialism call an “alliance
between Hitler and Stalin” was, in fact, a necessary diplomatic
maneuver by the Soviet Union to gain time and prepare
effectively for a full-scale war. Even bourgeois historians admit
that the Soviet policy was completely realistic, given the then
circumstances and the danger of a German attack11.
According to the imperialist propaganda, the Molotov-Ribbentrop
non-aggression pact led to the Soviet “capture” of a part of
Poland and the Baltic states of Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia.
Such arguments -about the supposed “Soviet occupation”- have
fostered the rise of fascist, neo-Nazi groups in these countries
after the counter-revolution in the USSR. However, the truth is
also quite different. Poland had participated actively in the
allied imperialist attack, which was launched against the newly
founded the Soviet state in 1918. With the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk,
signed on 3 March 1918, the Bolshevik leadership had renounced
Tsarist claims to Poland. The Polish government kept under its
control several areas in the Baltic region, including western
Belarus, western Ukraine, and a part of Lithuania). After the Nazi
invasion in Poland in 1939, the Red Army moved towards the
Soviet-Polish borders and liberated the above-mentioned areas.
The bourgeois-imperialist propaganda tries to distort history
when it refers to “Soviet occupation” - on the contrary, the
Soviet Army was the one which liberated the Baltic countries and
eastern Europe from the Nazis. The Molotov-Ribbentrop pact did
not include any kind of Poland’s “partition”. On the contrary,
the 1938 Munich Agreement between Britain, France, and the Axis
(Germany, Italy) led to the partition of Czechoslovakia and the
seizure of the country by Hitler’s army.
Notes : 1. K. Marx, F. Engels. Manifesto of the Communist Party.
New York: International Publishers. 2. The 1871 Paris Commune,
which was historically the first proletarian revolution that led
to the conquest of power by the workers for 72 days, was marked
by the extensive attack of the reactionary forces against the
Communards and the International Workingmen’s Association (IWA),
also known as the First International. 3. Applebaum, A. 2017. Red
Famine: Stalin’s War on Ukraine. New York: Doubleday. 4. Tottle,
D. 1987. Fraud, Famine and Fascism. The Ukrainian Genocide MythFrom Hitler to Harvard. Progress Books. 5. Martens, L. 2009.
Another View of Stalin, Athens. Synchroni Epohi (Greek version).
6. See for example: Davies. R, Wheatcroft. St. 2004. The Years of
Hunger: Soviet Agriculture, 1931-1933. New York, Palgrave
Macmillan and Furr. G. (2014), Blood Lies, Red Star Publishers. 7.
Proclaiming Hitler “a great humanitarian and Savior”, Pavlovich
was writing: “Only by hard work and our lives will we be able to
repay our debt to Hitler and defeat Judeocommunism”, (Tottle,
1987). 8. Tauger, M. 2006. Modernization in Soviet Agriculture in
Modernisation in Russia Since 1900 (pp.84-103), Finnish
Literature Society. Tauger, M (2006). Stalin, Soviet Agriculture,
and Collectivization in Food and Conflict in Europe in the Age of
the two World Wars.
[Copied from the 'Class Struggle', monthly magazine of CPI(ML) Central Committee.]
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