Monday, September 14, 2015

FEUDALISM - CAPITALISM - IMPERIALISM IN THE PRESENT CONTEXT . BY COM. ALOKE MUKHERJEE.

FEUDALISM – CAPITALISM – IMPERIALISM IN THE PRESENT CONTEXT.

BY COM.ALOKE MUKHERJEE. (published in 'CLASS STRUGGLE' Organ of the Central Committee of CPI(ML) June, 2015 issue.)

Of late among the Marxist- Leninist circles, a notion has developed that the Indian society is no more a semi-feudal and semi- colonial society. A change has taken place in Indian society, especially in rural India in the mode of production. For some people, due to the prevalence of capitalist mode of production we can no longer call it a semi-feudal society. To some people, who are much closer to the reality feels that some changes have taken place, but that cannot be defines as capitalist development, but it is a transitional phase. True, that the both sides have tried to study the changes that have taken place in the Indian society since sixties of last century. It is also true they are serious enough to ponder over the changes that have taken place. But with all respect to them it is found that the changes have over awed their method of looking at much, in cases at all importance to the inter connectivity and inter relationship between imperialism, the objects empirically in a superficial manner. They have looked at the society in partial manner without giving comprador bureaucratic capital and feudalism. Moreover, they have not given proper attention to the role of imperialism in the changes that have taken place in agrarian India. Even they have forgotten how even in the British period a process of “erosion and retention” of feudalism
was carried on, but overall feudal mode did not change. It must be emphasized that there can be no semi-feudalism, so far as the social system is concerned. That is one of the reasons, all most all the Marxist-Leninists till a few years ago felt that there were two basic contradictions - feudalism verses broad masses, and imperialism verses the people of India. So basically the crux of the problem is that whether the changes have ushered in a new mode of production or not and if not what the changes signify, what is its relationship with imperialism, why do we call the society semi-feudal and semi-colonial and other relevant issues?

Whether A New Mode of Production has Developed?

Most of those who feel that new mode of production has come into existence or in the ‘transitional phase' argue that there has been a commodification of agrarian product on a substantial scale.They simply forget that commodity production was there in slave society, in feudal society proper,even in ancient India. Marx had himself pointed out:

“In the ancient Asiatic and other ancient modes of production, we find that the conversion of products into commodity, and therefore conversion of men into producers of commodities holds a subordinate place, which however increases in importance as the primitive communities approach nearer and nearer to their dissolution” (Capital Vol.1,p.33)

Some may argue that “yes, that is what we are talking about, the approach nearer and nearer to their dissolution”. But in that case, we will have to take cover into Marx again :

“No matter, then, what we may think of the parts played by different classes of people themselves in this society, the social relations between individual in performance of their labour, appear at all events as their mutual personal relations and are not disguised under the shape of social relations between the products of labor” (Capital Vol.1,P.82)

For the sake of briefness we are not going into details, but what Marx has shown in the old mode of production in Europe, is still prevalent in India. One of the most common example is the prevalence of caste system in India and the role it plays in social relations and individual performance of labor.

But the problem that is confronted in the issue of mode of production really becomes complex and real one when the use of machinery in agricultural as well as artisan’s field is taken into serious study. Because in this case, the problem cannot be understood in its real depth until and unless we take imperialism and its hold in a country, in this case in India, seriously.

Here too let us start with quoting Marx:
“long before the period of modern industry, co-operation and concentration of the instruments of labor in the hands of few, gave rise, in numerous countries where these methods were applied in agriculture, to great, sudden and forceful revolutions in the modes of production, and consequently in the conditions of existence and the means of employment of rural populations. But this context at first takes place more between the large and the small landed proprietors, than between capital and wage laborer, on the other hand, when the laborers are displaced by the instruments of labour, by sheep, horses etc, in this case force is directly resorted to in the first instance as the prelude to the industrial revolution. The laborers are first driven from the land, and then come the sheep. Land grabbing on a great scale, such as was perpetrated in England, is the first step in creating a field for establishment of agriculture on a great scale. Hence this subversion of agriculture puts on, at first, more the appearance of a political revolution”

“The instrument of labor, when it takes the form of a machine, immediately becomes a competitor of the workman himself. The self expansion of the capital by means of machinery is then forward directly proportional to the number of work people, whose means of livelihood have been destroyed by the machinery. The whole system of capitalist production is based on the fact that the workman sells his labor power as a commodity. Division of labor specializes this labor power, by reducing it to skill in handling a particular tool become the work of a machine, then with the use value, the exchange value too, of the workman’s labour power vanishes ...” (Capital. Vol.1,p.405-06)

Begging pardon for such extensive quotation let us look into the objective reality in India. Here,too, gradually, machinery such as tractors and power tillers are being introduced more and more. It is also true the number of wage laborers is increasing in rural India. But one primary aspect of grabbing of land nu large landed proprietors is not found. Even though the central government is adamant to pass a legislation for acquisition of agricultural land for infrastructural development, large scale of forest lands are being handed over to big bourgeoisie for mineral extraction. But concentration of agricultural land to big proper tiers are not happening. One may raise as an argument the ‘contract farming’ in large areas by foreign and domestic big capitalists. But that agriculture is done more as commercial activity of those capitalists to gain control over the raw materials for their industries than developing a capitalist mode. It is more a semblance with the indigo planters forcing the peasants to cultivate indigo in Eastern India.

But is it not true that a large section of peasants and agricultural laborers are being forced out of the agrarian sector to find out livelihood elsewhere? Have we not seen large scale migration of agricultural laborers of southern and western India to act as masons and helpers to masons and other menial work abroad? At the same time, from eastern and north eastern India the laborers are
moving towards those places not to fill in the agricultural labor sector but work of those people who are going to middle east and other places?

So what actually happening in the agrarian scenario as well as mode of production? In the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, it is a fact that so long as a country cannot get itself freed from the shackles of imperialism, development of independent capital is nearly impossible. There might be some exceptions here and there, but even they are not allowed to function for long and forced to be brought under the control of finance capital of imperialism. But such development itself creates a complex situation. The discussion of those complexities is related very much to the appearance and essence of the changes in agrarian system and how far can we call it capitalist mode’ or ‘transitional form’ meaning transition towards capitalist mode of production.

Imperialism in Agricultural and Industrial Development of India :

We will have to be very brief in discussing this issue. Such brevity may not always be the soul of wisdom, rather sometimes it rises questions on the wisdom of the author. But that risk has to be taken here because it is not a book, but seminar paper.

Initially, imperialism treated its colonies as suppliers of cheap raw materials and cheap labor. In the case of countries like India, it was market for its finished goods also. British rulers in its colonial phase, found that the caste based society can easily be ruled if a section of the upper castes, who were very powerful, can be brought under the control of British Raj and an wedge is driven between the two great religious communities in India. So they developed a new type of
feudal lords through permanent settlement, Ryotwari and Mahalwari systems. Such an arrangement helped them a lot to get hold of cheap sources of raw materials and cheap labor, The more the capitalism in Britain developed into imperialist phase, the more need of exporting not only finished goods, but also finance capital became urgent. In this effort they did two things at a time.. 

Firstly,they themselves invested directly, at the same time, from among the commercial traders who were hand in glove with them to expand their commerce and trade were allowed to invest in industries. The British helped them not only with funds from the banks but also with technical know how by selling their obsolete machineries to them. Thus a dependent feudal class and a comprador capital developed. The feudal character of the society helped imperialism not only to gain control over cheap raw materials and cheap labour, but also to driven wedge between different communities and castes in the country. Moreover, it destroyed indigenous development of capital and also development of knowledge. Thus not only economically but also politically and culturally the Indian society was placed under imperialism and feudalism.

But with the passage of time rural masses of the people started revolting against the feudal lords.At the same time, during the World War II, British imperialism found that certain development of industry was necessary, but the feudal bondage was an impediment. They opted for certain reforms on land. Floud Commission Report advised some changes in the zamindari system. But by the time it could be enforced British had to give up their direct rule in India. After 1947, imperialism remained there, but it changed its form instead of direct colonial rule, neo colonial method was adopted. Moreover, in India, not only the British, but also other imperialist masters started contending for neo colonial possession.

In this situation, zamindari abolition and ceiling laws were enacted. This did not mean change of feudal exploitation. It was only a method of eroding a part to retain the basic character. From then on many changes have taken place. It is true that concentration of land into a few hands changed a lot from 1947 to 1960's to present time.

But imperialism as a moribund capitalism faces crises one after another. During 1960's it felt that it needed entry into the agrarian sector. It had to sell its commodities there. The needed market for fertilizers, pesticides, high yielding seeds etc. At first they started with certain pilot projects like Intensive Area Development Programme (IADP) in certain selected areas such as Bardhaman district in West Bengal, Godavari and Krishna Delta in AP, Kaveri Delta in TN etc.But the land owners with their feudal character were not very much interested in increasing yield. So another spate of ceiling laws and operation Barga was taken resort to. This is another step of ‘erosion and retention’ method applied by the imperialist hucksters. Any in-depth analysis of operation Barga, which is exhibited as a great step forward in land reforms will prove this. By this, the ruling classes assured that the possessors of land will get a substantial share of yield, the producer bargadar will have to part with that portion of produce to landlord. Only change was that if he is recorded the landlord cannot evict him. What was the need for such a reform?

The sharecropper would be allowed to get loan against his recorded land to buy fertilisers, HYV seeds. Pesticides etc. Very soon, a change was brought in not in the mode of production, but in the production itself. All most all the agricultural products paddy, wheat, potato, cotton, tomatoes etc. were that of HYV seeds. The HYV seeds needed more water, more fertilizer, more pesticides. To get water pump sets came into the market.. This design helped imperialists to gain stronghold over the agricultural activities. Soon tractors were introduced. Some cases there were power tillers.

This created a two fold change. Agriculture became more dependent on imperialist industrial products and more and more laborers were needed for the agricultural activities at the outset. So not only the land holders but also the peasants as well as laborers at first greeted it. But when tractors and power tillers were introduced need of agricultural laborers reduced.

One can easily find without much change in relations of production, changes have taken place. As a result, dichotomies have appeared. In areas where the method of agrarian activities changed earlier, at first had increase in agricultural laborers, but after few years it reduced, and agricultural laborers had to take other labouring activities. Since the industrial capital has not developed, they had to go for artisan works like masonry or tertiary areas like rickshaw pulling or auto driving etc.

Secondly, in rural areas a section of the people are grown who advances loans to peasant producers at a very high interest rates, and the loaned amount and interest is to be paid in kind.with produce. The same people are in most cases traders of fertilisers, pesticides and even tractors and power tillers in some cases, and in many cases they are owners of tractors which are rented out on hourly basis. The same section in many cases are connected with the ruling parties in the states. As a result, they are also controllers of MNREGA work and many other related things that are important for the livelihoods of the people. They have land holdings, but to the limits of ceiling laws. As a whole, their exploitation has an extra economic portion which is not capitalist, we can call them bureaucratic feudal, since they have developed as a class almost all over India. They are conduits for imperialist agribusiness.

Thus it is clear that in the rural areas changes have taken place. But due to stranglehold of imperialism these changes cannot change the mode of production. True, the big landlords have reduced to a great extent, but in the same areas they still exists.

But mode of production has not changed to capitalism, with the new capitalistic instruments, the mode is still pre-capitalist. Since certain changes have taken place people call it as semi-feudal,because of its feudalistic character.. We should also be clear that there can be no semi-feudalism,just as there can be no semi- colonialism. As feudalism cannot act in its proper economic, political
and cultural systemic manner, the way it present itself under imperialism is semi feudal. This is why in our effort to find out the principal contradiction we formulate that it is between the alliance of imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism on one side and broad masses of people on the other.

Those who talk about the transitional phase are not clear about transition between whom. Whenever we call something as a transitional phase, we always try to point out between which two points the transition is being discussed. In the presence of imperialism such transition is almost impossible.Because may allow comprador capital to develop, but it cannot allow development of capital in agriculture, Because through their finance capital they can control comprador bureaucratic capital,but it is impossible to control millions of millions of peasant holders if they can develop as capitalists. The suicides of cotton growing peasants in Marathwada and AP, potato growers in West Bengal show that dream of agrarian capitalism cannot be achieved without a revolutionary change. A real land reform as well as freeing agriculture from imperialist shackles is the need of the hour.


Friday, June 12, 2015

INDIAN REVOLUTION - INDIAN COMMUNIST MOVEMENT. APPROACH PAPER for UNITY AMONG GENUINE COMMUNIT REVOLUTIONARIES.


Indian Revolution – Indian Communist Movement
Approach Paper


Ninety years had passed since the formation of the communist Party of India. Since its inception the party was subjected to repression. This repression was unleashed on the freedom loving national revolutionaries as well as on the communist fighters who participated in the independence struggle with anti-imperialist aim. They were implicated in Peshawar, Lahore, Kanpur and Meerut conspiracy cases. In the trial of Kanpur and Meerut conspiracy cases, Communists had not concealed their ideals and causes. They declared that it is not at all a crime to wage struggle for the liberation of people of India from the imperialist shackles and to emancipate the toiling masses of workers, peasants and weaker sections from economic, political and cultural exploitation. They voiced the necessity for the people to organize against feudalism, imperialism and capitalism.

We, as communists, during 1925 to 1947, and then up to 1952, had built the movements of workers and peasants while participating in the independence movement. We have organized many a militant struggle of working class. The middle class employees and teachers got organized under our leadership. We organized the writers and artists with patriotic, democratic and socialist aims. We fought for the rights of women and made them part of the movement for independence and peace. The communist party established itself as the party of the toiling people with the policies andslogans: oppose fascist war, protect socialism, Oppose communalism and national chauvinism, and oppose the attempts of the imperialist, feudal and capitalist forces to flare up communal, caste and regional clashes among the people.

Until 1942, for two decades, the party through its hard and untiring work in the face of many repressions got itself identified as the third largest party in the country. It gained wide recognition among the people even in the midst of internal struggles on the policies of the party. The peoples movement had reached the level of armed resistance.

 The party worked with a concrete programme against feudal ideology. It owned up and brought to light many social reformers and progressive writers. It showed the way for a new culture by promoting on a wider scale the widow marriages. Model marriages as against the traditional form of marriage. It opposed the child marriages and marriages against the will of the girls. It worked for the gender equality. The communist party swam against the tide at a time when the untouchability, caste discriminations and blind faiths andpractices were prevalent.

The communist party educated the people on how to resist the feudal atrocities: if you do not have a stick in your hand even a goat will bite you; get your selves armed and fight against caste oppression and communal attacks. It was the party which inculcated the consciousness among the people and made them to organize around the general slogans of independence, democracy, socialism and world peace and led the people’s movements and built the organized peoples resistance against imperialism and feudalism. The dedicated work without expecting anything in return personally and even laying down their own lives by thousands of party members and hundreds of party cadres were invaluable. We cannot forget the positive impact they have made on the society. The values and commitments established by that generation of communists continue to inspire and worth emulating to us even today.

The communist movement means the organisations and the agitations and struggles conducted by the organizations of patriots, democrats, workers, peasants, other toiling people in urban and rural areas, women, youth, students, children, writers and artists as well as they defying the atrocities committed by the exploiting classes and repression by the state. More than this the communist movement means the movement built through the life scarifying work with a social cause.

This was one phase. It was the best phase in the communist movement. But it could not marchforward. Why it was so? True, it could not march ahead; faced setbacks. Yet the cause of communism is there standing tall before us. With the strength of this cause, we will review the history; learn lessons from it and march forward.

-2-


Defeat of fascism in the Second World War and the victory of peace- loving, democratic and communist forces has brought many changes in the world. The victory of Soviet Union; its reconstruction of the country from the destruction wrought by the fascist war; the march of socialist construction; the coming to power of workers parties in East Europe; the victory of Chinese revolution; the rise of peasant struggles in our country; the progress of the party in various sectors – all this had two types of influence on the party leadership and ranks. Subjective thinking had overtaken the dialectical materialist approach. The central leadership of the party led the workers and peasants movements with two types of guidance.The differences in the political and ideological understandings in the leadership was the reason for this situation. There was struggle on two or three understandings at the level of central leadership.

 We cannot forget the fact that the root cause for the split in the communist party was the differences on the assessment of the character of bourgeoisie in India and the ideological differences that arose in the international communist movement. A friendly discussion on these issues can enable us to correct the mistakes in our understandings and show the way for our unity.

Along with the above issue, there is another crucial issue: the confusion prevailed in deciding the character of our society. At what stage we are now in the process of development of society from slave to semi-slave to feudal to semi- feudal, capitalist and to socialist system? The communist movement is plagued with the confusion and differences on this issue.

The character of big bourgeoisie in India and the process under which the power had come into its hands; its subservient relations with imperialism ; the support of imperialism to feudalism and feudal landlords support to imperialism helping each other to withstand or not – does these questions remain as points of difference? Are not serious differences existing in the assessment of these issues?

 Who is the national bourgeoisie? Is it industrialist or big business? Is it upper caste of middle class that owns and earns private property? Have not lack of clarity on this issue led todisunity in the party?

Has not the phenomenon manifested in the leadership of the party that was over awed by the philosophical thinking of and qualities of the bourgeois leadership of national movement, blunted our class orientation and the edge of our class struggle? Has not the role of our party as one of the leaders of national movement got reduced? As a result of this, had not the basic classes of the party – rural toilers and urban workers – ran behind the mirage of reforms by the exploiting government? Had not many alien theories raised their ugly heads due to abandoning of dialectical and materialist principle in conducting class struggles? Has not the party’s mass base and hold got weakened?In the struggle of proletariat, who stands by our side and who takes the side of exploiting classes? Are we taking the decision on these questions on the basis of class analysis? Are not our capabilities are being lost because of alien class outlooks on this issue?

Many communist sympathisers, well-wishers of revolutionary movement, even our adversaries are thinking that the personal ambitions, egos and careerism are the reasons for the inability of communists to remain in one organization. Consequently pessimism is being expressed. Are there no ideological, political and organisational reasons for the spread of such tendencies?The communist party is not discussing the differences on the basis of ideological principles and class struggles. The discussions are being focused on non-issues and secondary issues.

 Taking this as an advantage, some opportunist intellectuals who vulgarise communist ideas are mixing some progressive ideas with romanticism. They are spreading certain theories and ideas that are anti Marxist and serve the interests of exploiting classes. They are trying to project themselves as the ‘guides for the misguided communists’. This is a prominent trend today. Our failure to be sufficiently cautious about these intellectuals who maintain close relations with the communists and move around spreading wrong interpretations to communist theories and the histories of class struggle. As a consequence, alien class theories trends and practices are creeping into the party and are creating impediments to the process of our development.These forces cannot destroy us, but they remain as hurdles for class struggles and the unity of class movements.

 Keeping this whole situation in our view, where to begin our discussions? What are the ideological tenets to formulate clear cut policies? We have to concentrate on these issues.

What is the character of Indian society? What is the stage of Indian revolution? There is a need for deeper and wider discussion on these issues. There is need for discussions on the feudal and semi- feudal and colonial and semi-colonial characters, Is the understanding on penetrationof capital into rural economy new? Is then the idea that the entry of capital into rural India would change the nature of Indian society is being pushed forward? Then should the communist party adopt achieving socialism as its sole aim and work? If so, have we to change the understanding that imperialism, feudalism class Struggle and comprador bourgeoisie have become main impediments for the progress of people of India?

 Then are we proposing to put aside our programme of CPI (ML)? No, not at all. Our documents have to be tested in the practice. If we let the documents to remain as just documents and move in our own way, will not our integrity towards our policies be questioned? So we have to continue our practice based upon our party’s documents. At the same time, we are placing the above questions and issues for discussion keeping in view the long term perspective and the task of rallying and uniting forces on a broader scale. It is not unnatural if questions like is it correct to engage in academic discussions and is it necessary to open up the Pandora’s Box now etc. crop up. Yet it will cause no harm to the movement as long as we have enough convictions and commitment towards the cause and practice.

 The confusions being spread by the opportunist theoreticians and intellectuals have been influencing the genuine communists, Marxist- Leninists and disheartening the well- wishers of the communist movement. So the above issues are meant for wider discussion. Without keeping aside our practice, discussing the problems faced by the revolutionary movement dispassionately stands as a historic task and responsibility before all the communists today.

Let us make a success of the seminar on 3 &4 th April 2015 commemorating comrade KanuSanyal and thousands of communists fighters and martyrs.
                   
                                                 With Revolutionary greetings.


Andra Pradesh State Committee

COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MARXIST-LENINIST).


Thursday, May 14, 2015

Red Salutes to Comrade Kanu Sanyal - The Voice of Indian Revolution.

RED SALUTES TO COMRADE KANU SANYAL – THE VOICE OF INDIAN RRVOLUTION.

We are paying our revolutionary homage to our beloved leader Comrade Kanu Sanyal who left us five years back. His remembrance inspire us to persist in the mass line. In his 81 years of fruitful life, Comrade KS dedicated nearly 60 years to the communist movement. Since he was arrested for the first time in 1948, he spent 14 years in jail and many more years in underground life. Com. KS along with his comrades in arms made consistent effort to build peasant and workers movement in Darjeeling district implementing mass line and opposing right and left deviation. The result was the Naxalbari Peasant Uprising in 1967 that took the Indian society by storm.

The Indian ruling classes had brutally suppressed the Naxalbari and Srikakulam peoples movements, killing many leaders and activists of the movement and Adivasi people. The left sectarianism that raised its head in these movements became a hurdle for these movement to withstand the onslaught by the ruling classes. Neither the setback in the movement nor long years of prison life had mellowed down the revolutionary spirit of Com. KS. He waged relentless struggle against the left and right oppotunist trends while inside the jail as well as after coming out of it.

Comrades Devulapalli Venkateswara Rao, Tarimela Nagi Reddy, Chandra Pulla Reddy and Kola Venkaiah were in the forfront of the ideological and political struggle against revisionism, left and right deviations in the communist movement. By the 1970, ideological struggle against the adventurist line of CPI(ML) led by Com. Charu Mazumdar had begun both inside and outside the party. Com. KS took the mantle of this ideological struggle. The bitter experiences of left adventurist line and his talk with the leadership of Communist Party of China had sharpend this struggle.

Com.KS continued to have direct relations with adivasi peasants and tea garden workers of Darjeeling district while making all India level efforts to bring communist revolutionaries into a united single organization. As a result of these efforts, our CPI(ML) was formed in 2005 with Com.KS as its General Secretary. This CPI(ML) is the continuation of the 90 years old communist movement in India and it was not the re-formation or continuation of CPI(ML) of 1967. Under the able leadership of Com.KS, the CPI(ML) took up the task of evaluating the history of the period from 1967 to 1972. It concluded that the left sectarianism that raised its head during this period was against the tenets of Marxism-Leninism and Mao's Thought and had caused serious harm to the revolutionary movement in India. Comrade KS played his leading role to arrive at this conclusion unanimously by the organization and including it in the forward to the Constituion of the Party during the deliberation of the Central Committee meeting held in 2010, just two months before his death.

Basing on the documents of the CPI(ML) – the Programme, Path and Constitution – we are continuing our efforts to build class struggles and class organizations of people and to achieve unity of the communist revolutionaries. This resulted in the Unity of CPI(ML) and CPI(ML) central organ Janasakthi in 2013. During these 5 years we lost many of our senior comrades – Asit Sinha, Shabbar Hussain, Surendrer Sing Katiyar, Uma Shankar Sing and Manam Rama Rao – whose sharp class outlook and experience we regard as a treasure trove. We are moving forward with the inspiration of the values these comrads have upheld during their life time.

Today the rulingclasses in India are surrendering every interest of the people to the imperialist finance capital and Indian comprador Bourgeoise. With the BJP coming to the power at the centre, this process picked more momentum. As a result the people are facing many problems – no end to the unemployment, no means to decent livelihood, rising price due to more profits to monopoly capital, eviction of peasants from their lands through economic levers as well as the brutal force, trapling of rights of Adovasis, Dalits, women and Minorities.Added to this the unbridled and unabashed promotion of communalism by the ruling elite is tearing the delicate fabric of communal harmony weaved by the toiling masses. Any opposition to these policies are being suppressed with iron heel , while at the same time using language, caste, region and religion to divide the people by raking up hatreds among the people. It is the duty of the communist revolutionaries to lead the people in their struggle against the exploitition and oppression by the ruling classes and make them conscious of the necessity for overthrowing this system and build a new democratic social system. The life of Com. KS always guides us in our endeavor to organize the people into struggles.

LET US REDEDICATE TO UPHOLD MASS LINE.
WE WILL ALWAYS REMEMBER COMRADE KANU SANYAL AS OUR GUIDE.

( This article is from 'CLASS STRUGGLE', the Organ of the CPI(ML)
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