Saturday, April 23, 2016

THE PORTENTS OF A FASCIST TYPE RULE.

THE PORTENTS OF A FASCIST TYPE RULE.

(Publish in 'CLASS STRUGGLE' -Magazine of CPI(ML).

For the past 22 months India in the rule of NDA government under the leadership of Narendra Modi is being pushed backwards. The ruling party-BJP-and its government have been systematically threatening the entire populace in to accepting the view of the communal forces in every issue. They are not allowing any dissent, and even not allowing to question the basic presumption of the ruling government.

Particularly for the past 3 months such a threatening situation is created in our country by the ruling party as well its fellow communal out-fits. Various incidents occurred in this period indicate the dangerous portents of the B.J.P. rule.

The NDA government is playing diversionary tactics in order to cover up its many failures and divert the attention of people from basic issues like unemployment, ever-growing poverty, uncontrolled price rises, ever increasing assaults and atrocities against women, agrarian crises, displacement of adivasis from their natural abode, ever increasing police brutalities etc. By promoting ‘nationalism’ of its own variety, BJP is acting as if patriotism is its monopoly and is attempting to forcibly “instill nationalism” among the students as well among the youth and populace.

Even the state governments are resorting to violence as well to bring-out various draconian laws to oppress and suppress people under various flimsy pretexts.

Recently the Rajasthan state government had cracked down an intended peaceful ‘Jawabdehi Yatra’, to be conducted under the banner of the Soochana Evam Rozgar ka AdhikarAbhiyan, for 100 days of work programme to cover T blocks across the state’s districts to listen to people’s grievances and spread awareness through street-corner meetings. This yatra was flagged of by social activist Aruna Roy. A mob led by B.J.P. legislator Kanwar Lal Meena attacked the members of organisations like Mazdur Kisan Shakti Sanghatan (MKSS) at Aklesa in Jhalwar district. This shows how the ruling party is intolerable towards civil society activists. This cannot be seen as an isolated incident. Even the central government has been hounding Greenpeace India -an NGO - which is unpalatable to the ruling BJP leaders, and is seeking to cancel its registration. In fact the NGO Greenpeace is not raising any fundamental questions against the system and establishment.

The Gujarat state government is making persistent efforts to get the draconian ‘Gujarat control of Terrorism and Organised Crime Bill- 2015’, which has provisions such as “making confession to a police officer of the rank of S.P. of police admissible in court, and allowing 180 days instead of 90 days for filing of a charge-sheet”. This bill was first moved by Narendra Modi in 2003 when he was the C.M. of Gujarat. Three times this bill was refused to be cleared in the UPA regime. But again in March 2015 the assembly passed the bill and sent it afresh to the center for presidential assent. Thus through this GCTOC, the Gujarat state moots to do away any nominal legal available protection from the abuse of the powers by state.

Recently the instance of police high-handedness was brought to light when a Tirunalveli Court directed district police to charge 12 personnel including seniors with murder, who staged a fake encounter last year shooting a rowdy dead. This shows how the state violence is legally practiced in our country with the backing of the ruling-classes.

Despite the above incident of court-indictment and question against the state violence, the BJP government in center and the Gujarat state government and the brutal and inhuman higher police officers who were castigated and punished by the Supreme Court in Ishrat Jhahan’s fake encounter case, are making every effort in their power to justify the fake encounter killing of Ishrat Jhahan, by arguing that she was a LeT terrorist, by basing on the Pakistani-American double agent David Headly, who is an approve granted with many immunities for not punishing him- to give a dubious deposition that Ishrat was a LeT operative. The Gujarat state government shamelessly announces that its stand on encounter deaths is vindicated. The honchos of Sang Parivar ideology are persistently preaching that an accused to be a terrorist can be killed without the necessity of any legal formalities or processes. Whoever question this perverse logic are being branded as anti-nationals and seditious.

Again we witness another brutal method of the state violence adopted in Chattisgarh state. The state government Chattisgarh seems to have allowed to clamp down on free-speech and dissent in the state. A leader of Adivasi movement Sonisori and leader of Aam Admi party, who sought to hold the state administration accountable for the killing of Adivasis in fake encounters, arbitrary arrests, sexual torture and assault of Adivasi women by the police and security forces and planned to highlight these issues through a 200 km march from Bijapur set to end in Jagadalpur on international women’s day, March 8, was attacked by motor cycle borne assailants who threw acid like substance on her and injured. In the first week of February(2016) Malini Subramanyam, a journalist associated with Jagadal Legal aid group, a group working with Adivasis was forced out of state by the police. In fact Ms. Sori was previously too was tortured and sexually assaulted by the Chattisgarh police while in their custody in October 2011 and Ms. Sori had been trying to lodge an F.I.R against I.G.P of Bastar,S.R. Kalluri for intimidating her. Now this present attack, which speaks volumes about the unbridled police (state) violence in that state.

In January, at the annual police conference, the Delhi Police Commissioner B.S.Bassi said that if permitted by the constitution of India, the Delhi police wood shoot or hang perpetrators of heinous crimes against women “on the spot”; revealing the dangerous line of the thought of police higher-ups. Thus the police ardently believe that they themselves are to be empowered to deliver justice without restraint. The police refuse to accept the concept of “innocent till proven guilty” but insist to accept the concept “guilty till proven innocent”. These comments of Bassi show, how the very police the supposed upholders of justice lack any belief in the very system itself.

The instance of arresting and implicating the students of JNU in to ‘sedition’ cases is again a pointer how the B.J.P. rulers and their state has prepared to be heinous in opposing and suppressing those who differ with their perverse views, opinions and notions.

The incident of the attack by pro B.J.P. lawyers and goondas, on the arrested leader of JNU Kanhaya Kumar, students, J.N.U. professors and journalists in the very premises of Patiala court where the J.N.U. case has be heard, reveals to what dangerous proportions, the B.J.P and its government’s tyrannical tendencies have grown.

Besides the above instances of the state, some other incidents appear to be having no connection with the state too are note-worthy in the present threatening situation.

On Jan-1, when the Njathuvela cultural forum against fascism, has planned a protest “kiss on the streets” as a sequel to its campaigns against “Brahminical Hegemony and caste system”, as soon as the protesters arrived to the venue, in Kozhikode of Kerala the workers of Hanuman Sena surrounded and attacked the protesters. The police lathicharged and arrested 31 people including the victims of the attack. Even a journalist of Thejas daily, who attempted to save a physically challenged man who was roughed up by the police was arrested and taken to police station where he was brutally beaten by the police.

On Jan-2, Marathi author Shripalsabnis lodged a complaint with police that he received death threats, for his remarks that “Narendra Modi would forever be smeared with the taint of 2002 Gujarat riots”.

On valentine day, Bajarangdal activists held “protests” demanding “Ban Valentine day” in many cities of the country.

Dr. Subramanya Swamy, on behalf of V.H.P has again raised the controversial issue of “construction of Ram temple on the site of Babri Masjid” at various forums from January on wards even going to the extent of filing a fresh petition in Supreme Court for building Ram temple. Thus he is actively razing hatred against Muslim community, as a part of the activities of V.H.P. and thus doing the possible damage in the minds of people.

The VHP announced that it would celebrate ‘Ramotsav’ in April in one lakh villages across India where the participants will be made to take a pledge to construct a Ram temple at Ayodhya.

The VHP in recent months made attempts to raise the temple pitch.

On March. 6, 15-20 youths sporting saffron bands on their foreheads, on motor cycles in Kanchna village on the outskirts of Chattisgarh’s capital, with cries of Jai Shriram they vandalized the church, and attacked men and women and thrashed them. These attackers are Bhajarang dal activists, and the victims are a group of people from down-trodden families in the village who set up the church under a tin shed, to pray on Sundays.

This is how the ruling BJP strategically using these mobs of ‘fringe elements’ to run riot and threaten its opponents in to silence, besides using “nationalism” as an alibi to suspend the rule of law.

While the above incidents and trends themselves are of a grave nature, the Prime Minister Modi himself had advanced a theory of conspiracy against his government and that attempts are being made to destabilize his government. Modi, the leader of BJP government who has an absolute majority to his party in parliament has chosen to make such unsubstantiated allegations without even an iota of evidence. Probably to garner electoral gains in the oncoming state elections.


However such allegations find parallel in the history of India. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi voiced the same conspiratorial theory in 1970s, when she was fast loosing political ground. She also portrayed the opposition as nation’s traitors. Several black laws like MISA, PD act were used to silence dissent and finally internal emergency was promulgated.

Now the very same story with a campaign of all voices opposed to ruling party are being dubbed anti national opposition is termed seditious.

After coming to power in 1933, in the general elections, the Nazi party of Adolph Hitler, made the same false accusations of conspiracy to destabilize the government and razing racist hatred against Jews and with the very slogan of ‘Nationalism’ has established its fascist rule.

Now in India, we see the very same arguments, claims, allegations of conspiracy to destabilize defame the government, and the very same pogroms conducted against Muslims and dalits making it very clear that NDA government is on the way nearer to establish its fascist type of rule in a near future!

Last year, when India marked the 40th anniversary of the imposition of emergency, L.K.Advani, the staunch R.S.S.man and its ideologue stated that he did not rule out the possibility of similar situation in future. Whatever might be his reasons for such an assumption, but to day though emergency is not legally imposed, the same situation of emergency is existing in practice.

This is how the present day situation portends the imminence of the danger of a fascist type of rule. The democrats and the real patriots of our country shall prepare unitedly to face and resist such imminence of the danger of fascist type of rule, resolutely.
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Sunday, April 10, 2016

THE DEATH OF ROHIT VEMULA IS A MURDER COMMITTED BY THE HINDU COMMUNAL FORCE - PDSO.

The Death of Rohit Vemula is a Murder Committed by the Hindu Communal Forces .
PDSO.{ Progressive Democratic Students Organization}
(Published in 'Class Struggle' magazine of CPI(ML))
Friends,
Rohith Vemula was one of the active leaders of ASA (Ambedkar Students Association) in Hyderabad Central University (HCU). It was recorded that he committed suicide by hanging on 17th January 2016. He was from Guntur district, Andhra Pradesh. It is a fact that Hindutva forces have been trying to get a hold in HCU for a long time. It is crystal clear that these forces have been threatening the students belonging to oppressed castes and classes and also are indulging in cheap and undemocratic tactics. With a nexus between the university administration and Hindutva forces many Dalit students and students with progressive views were targeted. After BJP came to power in the centre, HRD Ministry started to intervene directly and enhance the oppression by favouring their allies and influencing the administration in decision making.
Rohith was a voracious reader, writer and student leader. He was a bright student and JRF scholar. Not only HCU but Public Universities are supporting and encouraging the bright and meritorious students especially from poor and backward classes. Students enter the ‘varsities with great hope and big dreams. As students acquire to some extent democratic and progressive ideology naturally they respond to the social injustice in their own way. They are also trying to understand the developments and crises in the world, by smelling beforehand the crisis in the society. On the other hand the self-centred professors in the university are rousing emotions of the students by their policies. The communal forces especially in this Central University naturally did not like the democratic aspirations of the students. They demand the students to support their orthodox ideology and threaten those with different types of punishment if they defy them.
Rohith was one of the many who received such a threat. Oppression in HUC is not a novel feature. Back in 2002, 10 Dalit students were rusticated in a similar fashion and the present VC Prof. Apparao then as a hostel warden played a crucial role in it too. Many such incidents of oppression and discrimination took place in the last 15 years. Along with ASA several progressive student organisations have organised several struggles, expressed solidarity to many democratic and progressive movements and many lectures and literary meetings were arranged by inviting intellectuals and writers.
In the recent times, protests and demonstrations were organised against the ban on Periyar Study Circle of IIT-M, against the beef ban, against capital punishment, against Muzzafarnagar riots and against the attacks on Lakshmipeta Dalits. Rohith and his friends have actively participated in all these agitations. They participated in the programmes of joint action committees. All the students are very familiar with the slogans and comments posted by Rohit in his face book.
This may be one of the reasons for the anger of communalists against Rohith. The audios and videos installed in the internet by ABVP bear witness to this. ABVP leader Sushil posted obscene comments in the face book on the occasion of the screening of the documentary, ‘Muzaffarnagar Baaki Hai’ in HCU. In the presence of the security guard, he gave a written apology to those students who approached him for the same. This is represented wrongly as an attack on Susheel. The communalists used Susheel as a tool in foisting a false case against five students, including Rohith. They also created cinematic scenes in the hospital and released them through media. All this is a planned strategy of the communal forces. These forces used to incite their students, sometimes directly and some other times indirectly by holding rallies in HCU. As it is not possible nowadays to pour led in their ears as imposed by Manu, they implicated the students in false cases. Even before the Enquiry committee had not come to a final conclusion these forces were successful in getting a VC of their own choice, and form a new committee, and expel the students etc. They forced the VC not to include any democratic member in the committee and to enhance the punishment to the students.
They further forced through Central Ministers and through series of letters from Human Resource Department and those letters bear witness to all this.These forces were not satisfied even though the university authorities had declared social boycott of the five students.Though those students had erected a make shift tent and named it ‘ Dalit ghetto ’( veliwada’), and continued their protest no university official responded to their demands. As the students tried to gather solidarity and to explain the injustice caused to them instead of trying for a solution, the people at the helm with their feudal dictatorial mind have continued their harassments and pressures. They tried to get judgments at court in their favour. Unable to bear all this Rohith had written a letter 10 days back to the V C. The essence of the letter was requesting him to “provide a bottle of poison to Dalit students at the time of admission itself so that they may use it whenever they face a helpless condition. “ The death of Rohit who supported and who had led many agitations and struggles is definitely to be treated as the murder committed by Hindutva fanatic forces.
In fact this is the second case on Rohith by ABVP. In September 2013 Rohit has posted a poem of Sri Sri, “Tom Tom” in his face book. The Hindutva forces filed a complaint in police station against Rohit that he had offended Lord Ganesha by posting that poem of Sri Sri and put him behind the bars.Rohith was in forefront in condemning discrimination in the name of religion and caste .He was objecting, questioning, and reacting to many issues and incidents around him and this appeared as extremist politics to the ruling class. These fascist forces want to impose their views on what to eat , what to wear , how to wear, what to talk, what book to read, what poem to be posted on face book , how to walk etc. Anyone who disobeys their orders was indirectly threatened.
The spirit of democratic solidarity that is slowly budding again in the university had become an obstacle and the HRD is resolved to pluck it off. In this background the death of Rohith has thrown a challenge to the student community. Is it not the duty of the student community to express solidarity to the agitations of different classes of people who are waging struggles against oppression, exploitation and against the worldwide crisis of exploiting classes and crisis in India as a part of it? When the oppressive acts are being continued by discriminating people in new forms based on caste, religion, food habits is it not necessary to move forward collectively instead of becoming victims of intolerance and hopelessness? This is the challenge before the student world. The history of student movement did not entertain hopelessness.
In the past the student world had the history of extending solidarity to the struggles against the exploiting class. So PDSO wishes and desires to move forward by imbibing that fighting spirit. Let us oppose the Private Universities which are for money, and which revolve round money. Let us oppose and fight against the conspiracy of destroying the Govt Universities. Let us stay away from wrong ideals and wrong thoughts. Let us fight against the exploitative policies of the ruling classes which are converting our universities in to the heaps of dust bins. Let us fight against the exploitative policies which degrade our universities into centers of outdated, useless and dirty ideologies and centers of manufacturing imperialistic agents. We have to fight back the ideology of communal forces who give slogans of pseudo patriotism and who do not believe that a country means its people. These communal forces should be defeated.
Though the imperialists and MNC s are looting away our resources these communal forces keep silent. They are working as watch dogs to the exploitation. They cannot act for a long time showing the pseudo love towards the people of the country. We have to expose them. In the guise of nation’s unity they cannot deceive people for a long time. We have to explain in detail to the students and people how much patriotism is there among these forces who cannot tolerate even a slight improvement in the lives of people who are being suppressed under the MNC s and exploiting forces. To stand for nation means standing for the people, working for the enlightenment of oppressed classes, walking shoulder to shoulder with forces fighting for the people. Continuation of consistent progressive student movements and dedication for the people will be the real tribute to Rohit.
Progressive Democratic Students Organisation (PDSO)

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Tuesday, March 29, 2016

AN INTERVIEW WITH COMRADE KANU SANYAL.


An Interview with Kanu Sanyal.
Posted by Indian Vanguard on March 31, 2007

Nandigram can excel Naxalbari’

Founder of the landmark Naxalbari Movement, Kanu Sanyal was born in 1929, at Kurseong in Darjeeling. His father, the late Annada Govinda Sanyal, was a court clerk and posted at Kurseong at the time of his death. The youngest but one among five brothers and a sister, Mr Sanyal went to Kurseong ME School (renamed Pushparani Roy Memorial High School) and became a matriculate in 1946. He did not complete the intermediate course in science at the Jalpaiguri College.
In 1949, Mr Sanyal got recruited at the Kalimpong court as a revenue clerk, only to continue in the service for six months until his transfer to the Siliguri court. He was arrested on the charge of waving a black flag at the then chief minister of Bengal, the late Bidhan Chandra Roy, in Siliguri. The agitation was in protest against the Center's ban on the undivided Communist Party of India in 1948.
At the Jalpaiguri Jail, where he was lodged during the brief imprisonment in 1949, Mr Sanyal met his future comrade, the then CPI district secretariat member, the late Charu Majumdar. Immediately after his release, Mr Sanyal joined the CPI, and became a whole-time member the following year. In 1964, when the CPI split on the issue of the Sino-Indian conflict, he sided with the new faction, the CPI-M.

A revolutionary at heart, Mr Sanyal could not concur with the “revisionist” stance of the CPI-M and soon stood out as a prominent activist of the party’s “radical faction”. In 1967, it was Mr Sanyal, who practically led the famous peasants’ uprising at Naxalbari village in West Bengal, leading to the birth of “Naxalism” ~ which till date is the most prominent form of armed Communist struggle in India.

Mao Zedong had largely influenced Mr Sanyal’s political philosophy. In September 1967, he went to China via Kathmandu and met the Chinese Communist leader to brief him on the developments at Naxalbari. In the 59 years of his life as a revolutionary Communist, Mr Sanyal has spent 14 years behind bars. With an ever-deteriorating health, he now leads the CPI-ML as it general secretary. In an interview with BAPPADITYA PAUL, he speaks about the Naxalbari Movement’s relevance in the contest of farmers’ struggles. Excerpts:

Q: As per popular perception, the late Charu Majumdar was instrumental in initiating the Naxalbari Movement and you assisted him as a trusted comrade. How far is this true?

This is a wrong perception. Charu Majumdar was never directly attached to the Naxalbari Movement. When the Naxalbari uprising took place, Charuda was bedridden at his Siliguri home, with a severe heart ailment. I must refer to the difference of opinion we had over how to bring about a Communist revolution by “radical Communists”.

Charuda and his followers believed a revolution can be materialized by raising small groups of armed Communists and killing the individual “class” enemies. He also rubbished the idea of trade union practices. But a majority within the “radical Communists”, including myself, was opposed to such views.

While we, too, believed an armed struggle was inevitable for waging a revolution, we wanted to materialize it by involving the entire working class, especially the peasantry. We never subscribed to the idea of targeting individual “class” enemies and instead, were in favor of marching forward by forceful possession of farmlands owned by zamindars and big landlords.

When the differences with Charuda grew deeper, without any sign of either group budging on its stand, a way had to be worked out. It was agreed that Charuda would experiment with his ideas in the Chathat area (on the outskirts of Siliguri), while we would go ahead with ours, at Naxalbari. The ideas that proved successful would be adopted as an undisputed strategy of the “radical Communists”.

We began work in earnest at Naxalbari and the peasant uprising became a reality in 1967. But Charuda failed to ignite any such movement at Chathat and was summarily proved wrong.

Q: But outside Naxalbari, it was Majumdar’s “individual terrorism” line that was by and large adhered to. Those who spread the Naxalbari Movement elsewhere in the state, took the same to be the true spirit of Naxalbari?

That’s true. It happened primarily because of two reasons. First, as I was enmeshed in the struggle at Naxalbari and underground, I was detached from the outer world. Second, despite his ways being proved wrong, Charuda did not shun his strategy of “individual terrorism” and was always on the lookout to press it into action.

When the news of an armed peasant uprising at Naxalbari spread, “radical Communists” from across the state and from other parts of the country started showing their eagerness to join the fray. As Charuda was based in Siliguri then and was accessible, they looked to him for guidance. Charuda never missed the opportunity to preach his line of “individual terrorism”, labeling it as the spirit of the Naxalbari Movement.
The Press helped spread Charuda’s strategies, by referring to his comments in news coverage published on the Naxalbari uprising at the time. It was also because the Press could hardly access anyone else.

Q: Are you suggesting that in reality, Majumdar hardly played any role in the Naxalbari Movement?

Not exactly. Rather, what I am saying is, his role was limited to providing the philosophical base for the Naxalbari uprising, to a certain extent. But I would reiterate, Charuda was never directly involved in the Naxalbari Movement, nor was he aware of the day-to-day developments taking place in the field of struggle.

Q: Then why is it so that Naxalism, as perceived and practiced in several parts of India now, seem to be adhering to the “individual terrorism” strategy, which Majumdar spoke of?

So far as perception is concerned, I think, I have already answered that question. With regard to the preference for “individual terrorism”, I would say, the “romanticism” of an armed revolution is luring “radical Communists” away. Particularly, with arms in hand, youths tend to believe they can bring about a revolution by using bullets alone. But the reality is, they simply can’t. Without a solid mass base, all efforts will be futile.

Q: What is the future of Maoist or Naxalite insurgency, active in many parts of India?

They will vanish with time, unless they strengthen their mass base immediately. I have been to an Andhra Pradesh village where Maoists claim dominance. I was astonished that even with arms in hand, the Maoists could hardly generate confidence among the peasantry to cultivate their own lands.

The peasantry there prefers approaching the police camp, to save themselves both from the Maoists and the forces of the landlords.

Q: Coming to West Bengal, what is your view on the latest industry-agriculture conflict? How do you take the ongoing anti-farmland acquisition movement at Singur and Nandigram? Do you find any similarity with the Naxalbari Movement?

See, there is hardly anyone who doesn’t want industrialization in Bengal. But the question is for whose benefit it is. The industrialization policy has been adopted and implemented by the Left Front government solely to benefit the imperialists and so, we oppose it. We say, set up need-based industries, keeping in mind the resources of a particular area and drive it for the general well being of the common man. But the government is ruthlessly adamant on setting up industries by trampling farmlands.

The chief minister is harping on industrialization and believes that everyone, barring himself, is wrong. But my question is, if Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee wants to rejuvenate the industrial scenario, why doesn’t he first reopen the nearly 56,000 closed industrial units in the state? Why is there no effort to save the tea gardens in the Dooars and the laborers from starvation?

Singur and Nandigram have unmasked the cruel facets of the CPI-M, which fancies itself to be a party of the underprivileged. The movement that has generated out of Singur and Nandigram, if explored properly, can bring about a sea change in West Bengal. So far as the form is concerned, I find a great deal of similarity between Nandigram and the Naxalbari Movement. The ongoing fight in Nandigram, in particular, has the potential to excel the Naxalbari Movement. The only thing needed is a strong, selfless, political leadership to sustain it.

Q: Why single out Nandigram, when the same fight is on at Singur?

Mamata Banerjee has ruined the movement in Singur. By embarking on a hunger-strike, she spoiled the ignition of the Singur farmers.

I am sure the farmers of Singur will never get back their lands and Miss Banerjee is solely responsible for this. Just take a look at the happenings in Singur, as long as the farmers were battling it out themselves, the state government could not erect a fence on the acquired land.

But soon after Miss Banerjee hijacked the movement and started her fast, the focus shifted to Esplanade and fencing work went on in Singur unabated. Whereas in Nandigram, farmers and locals relied on their own strength and even on the face of a persistent joint offensive by the police and CPI-M goons, they have so far managed to resist the imperialist invasion.

Q: But Miss Banerjee is the one considered capable of throwing out the Left Front? In fact, the Jamait-UL-Ulema-e-Hind leader, Mr Siddiqulla Choudhury, is talking of a grand alliance with the Trinamul and others, to fight the CPI-M?

See, capturing power is one thing and fighting the imperialists is another. For the moment, even if a grand alliance were to pull down the Left Front government, would it make any difference to the poor, the framers? Rather, the alliance would continue in the wake of what the CPI-M-led government is doing now, albeit with a different set of propaganda. I say this because like the CPI-M, the Trinamul, the Jamait and the rest lack the political will to work for the common people. If I am wrong, then let them first make a public declaration what radical changes they would initiate for the benefit of the farmers, if elected to power.

Q: In this context, how do you rate the role of the Left Front allies?
I don’t find their role satisfactory either. If parties like the CPI, RSP and the Forward Bloc are really opposed to the CPI-M’s ruthless industrialisation agenda, why don’t they step out of the Front? I advised some of their leaders to come out of the government, at least that would have created pressure on the CPI-M. But despite continuous humiliation at the hands of the CPI-M, they seem only too eager to continue sharing power.

Q: If we were to leave out the Trinamul, the Jamait and the Left allies, who then would lead the movement forward?


United Naxalites alone can guide the movement on the right path. I urge all Naxalite factions to form a common platform and take the anti-farmland acquisition movement to every corner of the state. Forget about the elections, just make a collective effort to intensify and sustain the struggle generated out of Singur and Nandigram. The Statesman

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